SBF Commentary

Growing up in a tea garden in Tinsukia district in Assam, during the 1990s and early 2000s, life was a delicate dance around a cloud of anxiety. The ULFA (United Liberation Front of Asom) insurgency cast a long shadow over our tea gardens, markets and schools. Checkpoints manned by stern soldiers, whispers of bomb blasts and the occasional bandhs were as much a part of childhood as playing in the cricket in the wide open fields. We learned early to read the air - when to stay quiet, when to avoid certain roads and when the tension in the adults’ voices meant some trouble was brewing. Today, as I watch the latest flare-up between India and Pakistan unfold in 2025, those old instincts kick in. The news of missile strikes, drone attacks and a fragile ceasefire feels eerily familiar, like an echo of the unrest I knew as a boy. But this time, the stakes are higher - two nuclear-armed neighbours teetering on the edge.

On 22 April 2025, a terrorist attack in Pahalgam, Jammu and Kashmir, killed 26 people, almost all Hindu tourists. The Resistance Front (TRF), linked to Pakistan-based Lashkar-e-Taiba, claimed responsibility. India rightly pointed fingers at Pakistan, who have a history of fuelling cross-border terrorism. On 7 May, India launched Operation Sindoor with a series of missile strikes targeting militant camps in Pakistan and Pakistan-Occupied Kashmir. Pakistan, as usual, denied supporting terrorism and claimed the strikes hit civilian areas. Retaliatory drone strikes and border skirmishes followed, plunging the region into chaos. A ceasefire was announced on 10 May but Pakistan violated the ceasefire within hours.

I would not like to go into details of Operation Sindoor or its aftermath. The media has caused an information overdose on this. But what I can say is this - from Assam, this conflict feels both distant and intimate and the human cost is what hits hardest. In Assam, we have seen families mourning sons lost to ULFA’s bullets, bombs or Army operations. Today, I read of people getting killed, families in border areas huddling in basements, dodging drone strikes and shelling. Blackouts, school closures and cancelled cricket matches remind me of the bandhs we endured when ULFA was at its peak. The Pahalgam attack itself - tourists gunned down in a scenic valley - feels like a wound to the idea of peace. As a boy, I dreamed of visiting Kashmir’s snow-capped mountains, a paradise we saw in Bollywood films. Now, it’s a battlefield again.

What unsettles me most is the escalation. In Assam, ULFA’s fight was brutal but contained; India and Pakistan wield nuclear arsenals. When Pakistan’s military hinted at a nuclear oversight meeting, my stomach churned. I remember the 1999 Kargil War, when India and Pakistan clashed after Pakistani troops crossed the Line of Control (LoC). Back then, both nations had just tested nuclear weapons and the fear was palpable even in Assam. Today, with both nations having a stock of nuclear weapons, we just hope it is not a prelude to something catastrophic.

Yet, there’s a strange resilience in conflict zones. In Tinsukia, we adapted - kids played cricket during bandhs, markets reopened after blasts and life stitched itself back together. I see that spirit in the stock markets rebounding after the ceasefire or even in the resumption of the IPL. International calls for restraint echo the efforts that sometimes calmed Assam’s unrest.

As someone who grew up navigating insurgency, I’m sceptical of easy solutions. The truth, sometimes, lies buried under rubble and rhetoric. But what’s clear is the cost: lives lost, families displaced and a region on edge. Kashmir, like Assam in my childhood, deserves better than being a pawn in power games.

I don’t have answers, only memories and hopes. I hope for a lasting ceasefire, for dialogue over drones and for a future where kids in Kashmir don’t grow up ducking bullets. From Tinsukia to Kashmir, the lesson is the same: peace is harder than war but it’s the only path worth taking.

(Published on 15 May 2025)

In a decisive break from the economic orthodoxy of the past three decades, UK Prime Minister Keir Starmer is preparing to announce the end of the era of globalisation. This landmark declaration reflects a growing international shift away from free trade and open markets, a sentiment intensified by the recent re-escalation of the US-China trade war and a fresh wave of tariffs unleashed by US President Donald Trump - including new import duties targeting India. As the world braces for a new phase of economic nationalism, the implications for global stock markets and India’s own strategic calculus are profound.

According to The Times and India Today, Starmer’s upcoming speech will acknowledge that globalisation, once hailed as a tide that lifts all boats, has in fact left many behind - particularly within domestic working-class communities. He intends to frame the UK’s economic future around "security and resilience", calling for industrial reform, targeted deregulation (particularly in emerging sectors like electric vehicles) and the acceleration of a new industrial strategy aimed at reshoring production and shielding domestic firms from foreign shocks.

This announcement coincides with President Trump's aggressive return to trade protectionism, with the White House recently announcing a 10% blanket tariff on all imports and targeted tariffs on countries with imbalanced trade relationships. These moves, described by Trump as a reassertion of America’s sovereignty, have rattled global investors and signalled an unravelling of the multilateral trade consensus.

India, which has been a champion of "strategic globalisation" - opening up selectively while protecting domestic sectors - now finds itself both threatened and courted. On one hand, Trump’s administration has reinstated a 25% tariff on steel and aluminium imports, directly affecting India’s $1.4 billion export basket in those categories. On top of that, Trump is pushing for “reciprocal tariffs” against countries like India, accusing it of levying unjustly high duties on US goods such as motorcycles and agricultural products.

On the other hand, the UK’s economic reset, while protectionist in spirit, is not aimed at decoupling from the world entirely. UK Chancellor of the Exchequer, Rachel Reeves, has identified India as a key strategic trade partner, with ongoing discussions for a Free Trade Agreement (FTA) potentially gaining momentum. British leaders view India as a counterweight to China in Asia and as a market for investment in sectors like clean tech, pharmaceuticals, fintech and education.

India, under its “Atmanirbhar Bharat” policy, may find renewed justification for its own push toward self-reliance. With Western economies revisiting industrial policy, India’s protection of domestic manufacturing and incentives for indigenous innovation no longer seem out of sync with the global tide.

The global financial markets, traditionally spurred by liberal trade regimes and capital flows, are already exhibiting signs of anxiety. Following Trump’s tariff announcement, US and European markets dipped, with tech stocks and consumer goods companies leading the losses. These sectors are heavily reliant on global supply chains and could face inflationary pressures due to higher input costs.

In the UK, markets have responded cautiously to Starmer’s policy positioning. The FTSE 100 has seen mild volatility, with investors trying to digest whether Starmer’s “supply-side revolution” will spark a productivity revival or a slow decoupling from global trade advantages. Analysts at Goldman Sachs and HSBC have issued mixed forecasts, with some expecting a medium-term stimulus effect due to infrastructure investment, while others fear longer-term trade friction could reduce GDP growth.

In India, the BSE Sensex and NSE Nifty saw modest declines following the US tariff news. Stocks in sectors like metals (Tata Steel, JSW Steel) and IT services (Infosys, TCS) - which depend on global demand - were among the worst affected. If the trade war intensifies or spreads to services and pharmaceuticals, India’s tech-export driven economy could feel the heat. However, domestic-facing companies, particularly those in FMCG, banking and infra, may benefit from import substitution and increased government spending.

The convergence of Trump’s trade war and Starmer’s economic reset signals a broader ideological transition - from liberal globalism to resilient nationalism. While the contexts are different, the common thread is a growing realisation that unchecked globalisation has widened inequality, weakened national industries and exposed societies to economic shocks.

For India, this new world order is both a challenge and an opportunity. Trade conflicts may hurt specific sectors in the short term, but if India positions itself smartly - leveraging geopolitical goodwill, enhancing domestic capabilities and aggressively negotiating trade pacts - it could emerge as a reliable alternative to China and a central player in the new multi-polar economic landscape.

As leaders in London and Washington redraw the maps of economic engagement, India must remain agile. The days of passive participation in global trade are over. In this era of fractured globalisation, survival will depend on crafting smart alliances, investing in strategic autonomy and insulating the economy from future shocks. The world may be turning inward - but for India, it might just be the time to step up.

(Published on 6 April 2025)

The Economic Survey 2024-25, published by Department of Economic Affairs, Ministry of Finance, Government of India, in February 2025, has tonnes of data that analyses the state of the economy of our country. However, there was one Table in this Report which caught my eye. The table is titled “Matrix of mismatch between education skills and occupations” (see the table above).

This Table highlights a significant mismatch between education levels and occupational skills among workers in India. It provides a comprehensive view of the extent to which workers with different educational qualifications are employed in jobs that either align with or diverge from their formal education levels. The table categorizes occupational skills into elementary, semi-skilled, high competency and specialized skills, mapping them against educational attainments ranging from primary education to postgraduate degrees.

A closer look at the table reveals that a substantial portion of the workforce with lower educational qualifications is engaged in low-skill jobs. For instance, 32.13 percent of workers with primary education are employed in elementary-skill jobs, while a striking 66.3 percent occupy semi-skilled positions. This suggests a direct correlation between limited education and lower-skill employment, which aligns with conventional economic theories regarding human capital and job market segmentation. However, the real concern arises when analysing the employment patterns of workers with higher education levels. A considerable percentage of workers with graduate and postgraduate degrees are found in semi-skilled jobs - 50.3 percent and 28.12 percent, respectively - indicating a structural issue within the Labour market where educated workers are not necessarily absorbed into roles that match their qualifications.

One of the most striking observations from the data is that a notable proportion of highly educated individuals are engaged in jobs that do not require their level of expertise. For example, 3.22 percent of graduate degree holders and 0.96 percent of postgraduates are employed in elementary-skill jobs. This reflects an inefficient Labour market where underemployment is prevalent, suggesting that either there is a surplus of graduates without corresponding job opportunities or that the skills imparted by educational institutions do not match industry demands. Similarly, a significant number of postgraduate degree holders (7.67 percent) and graduate degree holders (8.25 percent) occupy high-competency roles rather than specialized positions, hinting at a lack of access to high-skill employment.

The most efficient Labour market scenario would be one where workers' educational qualifications align with the skill requirements of their jobs. In this dataset, the main diagonal cells, which indicate an optimal match between education and occupation, show that 72.18 percent of workers with secondary education hold semi-skilled jobs, 38.23 percent of graduate degree holders occupy specialized roles, and 63.26 percent of postgraduate degree holders are employed in specialized positions. While these figures suggest that a portion of the workforce finds employment that aligns with their qualifications, the numbers also highlight gaps, especially for graduates, where a significant portion remains employed in roles below their qualification level.

A deeper implication of this mismatch is the inefficiency it introduces into the economy. When highly educated individuals are compelled to take up jobs that do not utilize their skills fully, it leads to lower productivity, dissatisfaction and a potential decline in wages due to an oversupply of overqualified workers in low-skill roles. At the same time, industries requiring specialized skills may face shortages, leading to inefficiencies in sectors that demand high levels of expertise.

The Labour market distortions reflected in this data can be attributed to multiple factors, including the quality of education, lack of industry-relevant training and structural challenges within the economy. A disconnect between academia and industry results in graduates lacking the practical skills required for specialized roles, forcing them into lower-tier jobs. Additionally, Labour market rigidities, slow job creation in high-skilled sectors and a preference for experience over formal education in hiring practices further exacerbate the problem.

This situation underscores the need for urgent policy interventions aimed at bridging the skill gap. Strengthening vocational education, aligning university curricula with industry requirements and fostering job creation in high-skill sectors are crucial steps toward rectifying this imbalance. The government must also focus on Labour market reforms to enhance mobility and ensure that education translates into employability rather than just academic attainment. If these structural mismatches persist, India risks underutilizing its demographic dividend, with an educated workforce unable to contribute effectively to economic growth.

(Published on 21 February 2025)

The issue of school dropouts in India has long been a challenge for policymakers, educators and society as a whole. However, the situation in the northeastern states of India presents a particularly concerning picture, as highlighted by the latest UDISE+ 2023-24 data, published by the Ministry of Education, Government of India. While the national average dropout rate at the secondary level stands at 15.5% for boys and 12.6% for girls, the figures for several northeastern states are significantly higher, raising alarm about the future of education in this region.

In states like Assam, Arunachal Pradesh and Meghalaya, the secondary school dropout rates far exceed the national average, indicating systemic challenges that continue to hinder educational progress. Assam, for instance, records a dropout rate of 25.2% for boys and 25.0% for girls, highlighting a distressing trend of early discontinuation of education. These rates are almost double of the national average.

While in many parts of India, boys tend to drop out at a higher rate than girls due to economic pressures and familial responsibilities, the gap in the northeastern states remains marginal, suggesting that the barriers to education are deeply rooted and affect both genders almost equally.

The problem, however, is not limited to the secondary level. In Assam, Arunachal Pradesh and Meghalaya, primary and upper primary-level dropout rates are higher than the national average, indicating that children are losing out on education at an early stage. This early disengagement from school can have long-term implications, contributing to a cycle of poverty, unemployment and lack of social mobility. It also raises the question of whether early interventions and primary education reforms are adequately addressing the unique challenges faced by children in these states.

A deeper analysis of the factors driving the high dropout rates in the northeast reveals a complex interplay of socio-economic, geographical and cultural barriers. Poverty remains one of the most significant deterrents to continued education. Many families in the region struggle to make ends meet and education often takes a backseat to economic survival. When faced with financial hardship, families may prioritize sending children to work or assist in agricultural activities rather than investing in their long-term education.

The geographical challenges of the region also contribute significantly to the problem. Many villages are located in remote and inaccessible areas, where the nearest school might be several kilometres away. The lack of proper transportation facilities, coupled with harsh climatic conditions and rugged terrain, makes daily school attendance a formidable task for children. In several cases, schools themselves are in poor condition, lacking basic amenities such as functional classrooms, drinking water and toilets, further discouraging students from attending regularly.

Cultural and societal factors also play a role in exacerbating the dropout crisis. In many communities, early marriage remains a pressing issue, particularly for girls. Traditional gender roles often dictate that girls should focus on household responsibilities rather than education. Child labour is another critical concern, with children being pulled out of school to contribute to family income or assist in domestic work.

Compounding these issues is the overall quality of education in the region. Many schools suffer from a shortage of qualified teachers, inadequate learning materials and a lack of student engagement. A poor learning environment can lead to disinterest among students, prompting them to drop out before completing their education. Without access to proper guidance, mentoring and motivation, many children in the Northeast fail to see the value of continuing their studies, opting instead to follow traditional economic pathways or informal work opportunities.

Addressing the high dropout rates in the northeastern states requires a multi-faceted and sustained approach. Investment in school infrastructure is critical to ensuring that students have access to well-equipped classrooms, safe drinking water and sanitation facilities. The deployment of trained teachers, along with the introduction of digital and technology-based learning methods, can help improve the quality of education and make learning more engaging for students.

Targeted socio-economic interventions are equally important. Scholarships and financial aid programmes should be expanded to provide incentives for families to keep their children in school. Healthcare initiatives that address malnutrition and childhood illnesses can also contribute to better school attendance and overall academic performance. Vocational training and skill development programmes can be integrated into the curriculum to make education more relevant to employment opportunities, thus addressing concerns about the lack of job prospects after schooling.

Community involvement is another crucial aspect of tackling this issue. Awareness campaigns must be conducted to emphasize the long-term benefits of education, particularly for girls. Parents, local leaders and community organizations should be engaged in school activities to foster a supportive educational environment. Gender-specific programmes aimed at preventing early marriage and empowering girls through mentorship, leadership training and career guidance can help shift societal attitudes and encourage higher female retention in schools.

Ultimately, the high dropout rates in Northeast India pose a serious challenge to the region’s human capital development. A well-educated population is essential for economic growth, social progress, and overall national development. If timely and effective measures are not taken, the region risks losing a generation of potential doctors, engineers, teachers and leaders who could contribute to its prosperity. It is imperative that governments, educators, civil society organizations and local communities work together to ensure that every child in the northeast has the opportunity to complete their education and realize their full potential. Only through a collective and committed effort can the dropout crisis in the region be effectively addressed and reversed.

(Published on 23 January 2025)

On 23 November 2024, during a routine patrol, the pilot of an Indian Coast Guard Dornier aircraft spotted suspicious activity near Barren Island, approximately 150 kilometres from Port Blair (now renamed as Sri Vijaya Puram). Acting swiftly, the pilot alerted the Andaman and Nicobar Command, prompting nearby fast patrol vessels to intercept the suspected fishing trawler. The vessel, with six Myanmarese crew members on board, was towed to Port Blair for further investigation.

This interception led to one of the largest anti-narcotics operations in the region, with the seizure of 6,000 kilograms of methamphetamine concealed in 3,000 packets, each weighing 2 kilograms. Valued at several crores of rupees in the international market, the contraband highlights the growing nexus between drug trafficking networks in Southeast Asia and India. The vessel’s origin and its crew's nationality point to the active role of Myanmar in the regional drug trade, which is closely linked to the infamous “Golden Triangle”,

The Andaman seizure underscores the broader implications of narco-terrorism on India’s security and governance, with states like Manipur bearing the brunt of the cross-border narcotics trade.

Manipur has long grappled with a volatile mix of insurgency, ethnic tensions and an increasingly complex drug problem. Nestled along the porous Indo-Myanmar border, Manipur’s geographical location places it squarely on the Golden Triangle, one of the world’s largest drug-producing regions. The interplay of insurgency, ethnic discord and a flourishing drug trade has created a highly combustible situation in the state, as evidenced by the ongoing clashes between the Meitei and Kuki communities.

Manipur's insurgency dates back to the 1960s, fuelled by discontent over its merger with the Indian Union and subsequent neglect by the central government. Early insurgent groups, like the United National Liberation Front (UNLF), advocated for an independent Manipur, citing historical sovereignty. Over time, insurgency in Manipur became fragmented, with groups aligning along ethnic lines, such as the Nagas, Kukis and Meiteis.

Ethnic identity, territorial claims and socio-economic grievances drove these groups to arm themselves against both the state and one another. While initially driven by political aspirations, many insurgent factions later turned to illegal activities like drug trafficking and extortion to sustain their operations, blurring the lines between political rebellion and organized crime.

In May 2023, Manipur experienced severe ethnic clashes between the Meitei and Kuki communities. The immediate catalyst was a Manipur High Court directive recommending the inclusion of the Meitei community in the Scheduled Tribe (ST) category, a status that confers specific benefits and access to protected lands. This recommendation ignited concerns among the Kuki and other tribal communities, who feared that granting ST status to the Meiteis would lead to encroachment on their ancestral lands and further marginalization.

The situation escalated on May 3, 2023, when tribal groups organized a “Tribal Solidarity March” in Churachandpur district to protest the potential ST status for Meiteis. The march devolved into violence, leading to widespread arson, destruction of homes and displacement of thousands of individuals. The unrest quickly spread across multiple districts, deepening ethnic divisions and resulting in significant loss of life and property. As of 20 December 2024, these clashes has led to the death of over 220 people and internally displaced nearly 50,000.

Amid the chaos, the insurgent groups of the state, historically aligned along ethnic lines, exploited the turmoil to assert their dominance and protect their respective communities. The involvement of these armed factions intensified the violence, complicating efforts to restore peace and order. The proliferation of armed groups and factions - at one point estimated to number around 60 - has contributed to a "war within a war" scenario in the state.

A critical, often overlooked dimension of the Manipur conflict is its connection to the thriving drug trade originating from Myanmar. The Golden Triangle, encompassing parts of Myanmar, Laos and Thailand, is a hub for the production of heroin and synthetic drugs like methamphetamine. Manipur, sharing a 398-km border with Myanmar, serves as a key transit route for smuggling these drugs into India and beyond.

Over the years, insurgent groups in Manipur have become deeply entangled in the drug trade. Both Meitei and Kuki insurgent factions, as well as some Naga groups, have been implicated in facilitating the movement of narcotics across the border. Drug trafficking provides these groups with a steady stream of revenue to fund their operations, purchase arms, and consolidate power.

The current ethnic clashes have further complicated this dynamic. The Kukis, many of whom have close ties with communities in Myanmar, are often accused of harbouring drug networks. On the other hand, the Meitei community claims that this drug trade is fuelling demographic changes in the region, exacerbating tensions.

Myanmar's political instability following the 2021 military coup has also significantly increased the inflow of drugs and arms into Manipur. The porous border, coupled with weak enforcement mechanisms, allows easy passage for smugglers. This has led to an influx of illegal arms and narcotics, intensifying the violence in the ongoing ethnic clashes.

Manipur Government has struggled to address this multifaceted crisis. Law enforcement agencies are often ill-equipped to tackle the drug-insurgency nexus and the central government’s approach has been criticized for perceived bias and lack of coordination.

Moreover, peace accords like the Suspension of Operations (SoO) agreement with Kuki insurgent groups have been controversial. While these agreements were meant to disarm insurgents, reports suggest that the SoO have helped them regroup as well as engage in the drug trade.

Resolving the interconnected challenges of insurgency, ethnic clashes and the drug trade in Manipur requires a comprehensive and multi-pronged strategy. This involves tightening surveillance along the Indo-Myanmar border; focused crackdown on drug cartels and their links to insurgent groups; government engagement with all stakeholders, including insurgent groups, community leaders and civil society, among others.

The combination of insurgent politics, ethnic grievances and drug trafficking has created a complex web of challenges in Manipur that demand urgent attention. Breaking this cycle requires a holistic approach that addresses the socio-economic, political and security dimensions of the crisis. Only then can Manipur move toward lasting peace and stability.

(Published on 21 December 2024)

The political scenario in India is undergoing a dynamic transformation, with the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) continuing to consolidate its influence across the country, including in key states like Assam. The results of the November 2024 by-elections have further highlighted the party’s strategic acumen and the weaknesses of its fragmented opposition.

The by-elections in Assam also offered a revealing glimpse into the state’s shifting political landscape, underscoring the continued dominance of the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) and the deepening fractures within the opposition. Five assembly constituencies - Dholai, Samaguri, Behali, Bongaigaon and Sidli - went to the polls following vacancies created when the sitting MLAs were elected to the Lok Sabha earlier this year. The results were a clean sweep for the NDA, reflecting not just the ruling coalition’s robust organizational strength and public support but also the disarray among opposition parties.

BJP clinched victories in three key constituencies. Nihar Ranjan Das won Dholai, while Diplu Ranjan Sarmah’s groundbreaking win in Samaguri ended the Congress’s long-standing hold on the minority-dominated seat. In Behali, Diganta Ghatowal extended the BJP’s winning streak. These victories demonstrate not only the BJP’s appeal across diverse demographics but also its ability to penetrate traditional opposition strongholds.

The NDA’s success was bolstered by its allies, with the Asom Gana Parishad (AGP) reclaiming Bongaigaon through Diptimayee Choudhury and the United People’s Party Liberal (UPPL) winning Sidli with Nirmal Kumar Brahma. The seamless collaboration among the BJP and its regional partners stood in stark contrast to the fragmented opposition. While the NDA presented a unified front, opposition parties failed to forge any meaningful alliances, diluting their electoral strength and leaving voters without a cohesive alternative.

The lack of coordination among opposition parties, particularly the Congress, highlighted their vulnerability. Despite facing a formidable and well-organized rival in the NDA, opposition parties appeared more focused on internal squabbles and competing narratives than on forming a united front. The Congress, traditionally a dominant force in Assam, seemed unable to adapt to the changing political dynamics. Its inability to retain Samaguri, a stronghold with a significant minority population, was emblematic of its broader decline. Other opposition parties, too, struggled to make an impact, their efforts undermined by a lack of strategic cooperation.

A classic example of opposition disunity was seen in the Behali constituency. Behali, traditionally a swing constituency with a mix of ethnic communities, witnessed a decisive victory for the BJP’s Diganta Ghatowal. However, this outcome was as much about the BJP’s organizational strength as it was about the inability of the opposition parties to unite or present a coherent strategy.

Internal disagreements plagued the Congress party’s campaign, with local leaders bickering over candidate selection. Multiple factions within the party lobbied for their preferred candidates, delaying the announcement and weakening the party’s preparation. The eventual nominee, while competent, failed to inspire confidence among voters due to the visible lack of party unity. This indecision and internal conflict contrasted sharply with the BJP’s streamlined and disciplined campaign.

Adding to the woes of the opposition was the role of smaller parties and left-leaning groups. Parties like the Aam Aadmi Party and the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) (Liberation) fielded their own candidates, further splitting the anti-BJP vote. Despite calls from civil society groups and local leaders for a united opposition candidate, these parties pursued their individual agendas, effectively handing the advantage to the BJP. The lack of pre-election negotiations and a shared vision among opposition parties highlighted a deeper malaise of distrust and rivalry. The discord within the opposition was not limited to party leadership; it extended to the grassroots level as well. In some areas, opposition candidates openly criticized one another rather than focusing on the BJP, diluting the impact of their messaging.

The BJP, on the other hand, capitalized on this chaos with a well-coordinated campaign that emphasized development and stability. Diganta Ghatowal’s outreach efforts were bolstered by the BJP’s robust organizational machinery, which effectively mobilized voters across ethnic and community lines. The party’s ability to project a united front and deliver a clear narrative contrasted starkly with the fragmented and inconsistent approach of the opposition.

In the end, the Behali by-election served as a microcosm of the broader challenges facing the opposition in Assam and India as a whole. The absence of cooperation, coupled with internal squabbles and a failure to prioritize voter concerns over party interests, left the opposition vulnerable.

Meanwhile, voter turnout remained high, with nearly 73% of the electorate casting their ballots by 5 PM on polling day. This robust participation reflected the public’s keen engagement with the electoral process, even as it underscored the opposition’s inability to capitalize on this enthusiasm. Instead, the NDA’s message of stability, development and inclusivity resonated strongly, allowing it to consolidate its position across diverse voter bases.

The results of these by-elections reaffirmed the NDA’s dominance in Assam while exposing the deepening challenges faced by the opposition. The absence of a unified strategy among opposition parties not only weakened their electoral prospects but also allowed the NDA to expand its reach into areas that had long been resistant to its influence. The by-elections of November 2024 will be remembered not only as a testament to the NDA’s political acumen but also as a stark reminder of the cost of disunity within the opposition. For Assam, these elections underscore the importance of both organizational strength and strategic alliances in shaping the state’s political future.

(Published on 2 December 2024)

The 2024 U.S. presidential election stands as one of the most defining moments in recent political history, highlighting the deep polarization within American society. Donald J. Trump’s return to the presidency marks a significant moment, emphasizing the resilience of his political influence and the priorities of a substantial segment of the electorate. Trump’s campaign capitalized on economic anxieties, with a clear focus on inflation, job creation and deregulation. These issues resonated particularly with rural voters, veterans and the industrial workforce, groups that viewed his policies as a pathway to economic revival and stability. His promise to restore an "America First" agenda on foreign policy further bolstered his appeal among his core supporters.

On the other hand, Kamala Harris presented a platform cantered on progressive ideals, championing healthcare reforms, abortion rights and racial equality. While her campaign gained traction among urban liberals, women and minority voters, it struggled to broaden its appeal among independents and sub-urban moderates. Harris also faced challenges in countering Trump’s narrative on cultural and economic issues, with many voters prioritizing immediate financial concerns over long-term social reforms.

A critical aspect of the election was the contrasting approaches to key policy areas. Immigration became a focal point, with Trump advocating for strict border controls and Harris promoting a humane and inclusive immigration framework. Social and cultural divides were stark, as Harris’s emphasis on reproductive rights and LGBTQ+ issues clashed with Trump’s conservative stances. Foreign policy also emerged as a significant differentiator, with Trump signalling reduced international engagement and Harris advocating for global cooperation.

Voter turnout was among the highest in recent elections, reflecting the high stakes and mobilization efforts by both campaigns. Trump’s ability to galvanize his rural base and attract veterans was matched by Harris’s success in energizing Black and Latino communities, though the latter group’s turnout did not reach 2020 levels. Suburban voters, a pivotal demographic, were divided. While Harris performed well among college-educated sub-urbanites, Trump’s messaging on inflation and crime saw him make significant inroads.

The election was not without its controversies. Widespread misinformation and concerns over election security created an atmosphere of distrust. Polls indicated that most voters believed Harris would concede if defeated, but far fewer expected Trump to accept a loss, reflecting lingering tensions from the 2020 election. The heightened polarization extended to fears of potential violence, further illustrating the fragility of the democratic process.

Trump’s return to power comes with significant implications for U.S. governance. His unconventional appointments, including figures like Elon Musk and Vivek Ramaswamy, signal an unorthodox approach to leadership. While Republicans now hold a majority in Congress, the radical elements of Trump’s agenda may still face resistance, even within his party. Harris’s defeat has prompted introspection within the Democratic Party, raising questions about its ability to connect with moderate and independent voters. The party faces a critical need to reassess its messaging, balancing progressive ideals with practical solutions to economic concerns.

Ultimately, the election underscores the deep divisions within the American electorate. Bridging these gaps will require a concerted effort to rebuild trust in democratic institutions and address the pressing social and economic challenges facing the nation. This moment serves as both a reflection of the current political climate and a call to action for bipartisan solutions to ensure a stable and inclusive future for the United States.

(Published on 16 November 2024)

In India, where the media landscape is vast and diverse, news consumption is an integral part of daily life. The country's dynamic democracy, with its multitude of social, political and economic challenges, makes it vital for the media to report on critical issues, ensuring accountability and transparency. However, much of the news that dominates our headlines tends to focus on the negative—violence, corruption, crime, sleaze and political controversies. While such reporting is essential to maintaining an informed citizenry, there is a growing need for the media to shift its gaze and balance the coverage with more positive stories. India, with its rich history, vibrant culture and immense social progress, is brimming with stories of hope, resilience and innovation that often go unnoticed. The need for positive news in Indian media is not just desirable but necessary for fostering a more optimistic and cohesive society.

In a country as complex as India, where socio-economic disparities often make headlines, the portrayal of negative events can fuel a sense of despair and helplessness. The challenges are undoubtedly real, from issues like poverty and unemployment to environmental degradation and communal tensions. However, the narrative of India's progress is incomplete without the stories of individuals, communities and organizations that are working tirelessly to make a positive impact. It is essential for the media to spotlight these efforts and show that amid the struggles, there are countless examples of perseverance, innovation and success.

The psychological impact of consuming negative news is particularly significant in a country like India, where millions already grapple with daily hardships. The media’s constant focus on crime, conflict and crisis can deepen feelings of anxiety, insecurity and division. This phenomenon is exacerbated by the advent of 24/7 news channels and social media, which often sensationalize negative events for higher viewership. The result is an increasingly polarized society where distrust in institutions and pessimism about the future prevail. In contrast, positive news has the power to heal and inspire. It provides a much-needed sense of hope, reminding people that despite the challenges, progress is possible and that individuals can make a difference.

One powerful example of positive news in the Indian context is the story of Dr. APJ Abdul Kalam, the "Missile Man" of India, who rose from humble beginnings in a small town in Tamil Nadu to become one of the most respected figures in the country. His journey, from being the son of a boatman to becoming the President of India, is a testament to the power of education, hard work and vision. The media’s coverage of Dr. Kalam’s life, particularly his contributions to India’s space and missile programs, has inspired millions of young Indians to pursue careers in science, engineering and public service. His legacy continues to remind us that no matter where one starts, success is achievable through dedication and determination.

Another example is the rise of grassroots social entrepreneurs in India, whose work in areas such as education, healthcare and environmental conservation is transforming lives across the country. One such figure is Arunachalam Muruganantham, a social entrepreneur from Tamil Nadu, whose invention of low-cost sanitary pads revolutionized menstrual hygiene for millions of women in rural India. His story, when highlighted by the media, not only raised awareness about menstrual health but also empowered women across the country to take control of their well-being. Positive news like this showcases how innovation and determination can lead to transformative social change, even in the face of significant societal challenges.

India’s rich cultural heritage also offers countless opportunities for positive storytelling. For instance, the media could focus more on stories of communities working to preserve traditional arts, crafts and languages. In Assam, the efforts of individuals and organizations to popularize Sattriya, a classical dance form, are a prime example of how cultural preservation can unite communities and reinforce a sense of identity and pride. Similarly, the revival of handloom weaving in regions like Gujarat and Odisha, where local artisans are blending traditional techniques with modern designs, not only preserves cultural heritage but also provides economic empowerment to rural communities.

The Indian media has also, on occasion, highlighted the nation’s achievements in science and technology, such as the successful launch of the Chandrayaan-3 mission. India’s space programme, led by the Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO), has become a source of immense national pride, demonstrating the country’s ability to achieve cutting-edge scientific milestones at a fraction of the cost of other space programs. When the media covers these achievements, it instils a sense of pride in the nation and shows that India is not just a developing country but a global leader in science and innovation. Such stories inspire future generations to dream big and contribute to the nation’s progress.

India’s fight against the COVID-19 pandemic also saw several instances of positive news that need to be celebrated and amplified. Volunteers setting up oxygen langars, civil society groups organizing meals for the homeless and healthcare workers putting their lives on the line—these stories of courage and compassion offered much-needed hope during a time of crisis. Media coverage of these efforts not only uplifted the nation's morale but also encouraged others to participate in the fight against the pandemic.

Another area where positive news coverage can have a profound impact is environmental conservation. India is home to some of the most biodiverse regions in the world and while environmental degradation is a pressing issue, there are numerous stories of communities working to protect their natural surroundings. The Chipko Movement in the 1970s, where women in Uttarakhand hugged trees to prevent them from being cut down, is one of India’s most iconic environmental movements. Today, similar efforts are being made by indigenous communities across India, from the Bishnoi tribe in Rajasthan, who are known for their protection of wildlife, to the Aarey forest protests in Mumbai, where citizens are standing up to preserve green spaces in urban areas. Positive news coverage of these movements can inspire others to take action in their own communities, creating a ripple effect of environmental stewardship.

The role of positive news in media is not just about creating a feel-good factor; it is about fostering a balanced and holistic narrative of the country. In a nation as vast and diverse as India, where every region has its own unique set of challenges and successes, the media must take on the responsibility of telling the whole story. By focusing not just on the problems but also on the solutions, the media can play a crucial role in nation-building. It can encourage individuals and communities to believe in their own potential to create change and inspire a sense of shared responsibility for the future of the nation.

While it is vital for the media to continue reporting on the challenges facing India, it is equally important to highlight the stories of hope, progress and resilience that are shaping the nation’s future. Positive news is not just an antidote to negativity; it is a catalyst for change, inspiring individuals to take action and fostering a sense of unity and optimism. India, with its rich history, cultural diversity and spirit of innovation, has no shortage of positive stories waiting to be told. It is time for the media to give them the attention they deserve, for in doing so, they will help build a more informed, inspired and hopeful society.

(Published on 7 October 2024)

In India, grassroots organizations have long played a pivotal role in shaping the socio-economic and environmental landscape. With their deep-rooted understanding of local contexts, these organizations act as bridges between communities and sustainable development efforts. As the country moves towards achieving the UN’s Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), the significance of grassroots initiatives in building sustainable communities is more relevant than ever.

Grassroots organizations are small, locally-driven groups often founded by community members themselves. Their focus is on addressing issues that affect the local population, including access to clean water, education, healthcare, agriculture and the environment. Unlike large institutions, these organizations are more nimble, community-centric and aware of the unique challenges their region faces.

In India, such organizations have historically emerged out of necessity, especially in areas where state mechanisms fall short in reaching marginalized communities. Whether it's self-help groups (SHGs) in rural areas empowering women or environmental groups working to conserve local ecosystems, grassroots initiatives have laid the foundation for sustainable change.

One of the key reasons grassroots organizations are effective is their ability to mobilize local resources and knowledge. In several states, organizations working with tribal communities have promoted indigenous knowledge systems in agriculture. These initiatives have not only improved food security for smallholder farmers but also contributed to environmental sustainability.

Similarly, some organizations have been training women from rural areas across India in solar engineering, enabling them to bring electricity to their off-grid villages. By focusing on renewable energy, these organizations have empowered women while addressing India’s energy challenges in an environmentally friendly way.

India is home to several grassroots environmental movements that have paved the way for sustainable living. The Chipko Movement in the 1970s is one of the most iconic examples. Local villagers, led by women, hugged trees to prevent deforestation, highlighting the power of community-driven environmentalism. This movement not only saved forests but also inspired future environmental activism in India.

More recently, organizations have worked at the grassroots level to promote sustainable resource management and environmental justice. Their efforts have led to the preservation of ecosystems, promotion of sustainable livelihoods, and a shift in government policies toward more inclusive development models.

While the Indian government has undertaken several initiatives to promote sustainability, such as Swachh Bharat Abhiyan and National Rural Livelihood Mission (NRLM), the effectiveness of these programmes often relies on the involvement of local organizations. Grassroots groups, with their strong community ties, can act as intermediaries that help implement these schemes at the local level.

Despite their significant contributions, grassroots organizations face numerous challenges. Limited funding, bureaucratic red tape and lack of access to technology often hinder their operations. Many of these organizations rely on external funding, which can be inconsistent. Additionally, political pressures and a lack of formal recognition can stifle their growth and impact.

However, with increased awareness of climate change, social inequality and the need for sustainable solutions, there are growing opportunities for grassroots organizations in India. International donors and developmental agencies are now focusing more on community-driven solutions, opening up new avenues for collaboration. Furthermore, digital technologies, such as mobile banking and tele-medicine, offer grassroots organizations innovative tools to reach and empower more people.

For India to achieve its ambitious SDGs by 2030, the role of grassroots organizations cannot be overlooked. By integrating local knowledge with global best practices, these organizations are uniquely positioned to drive inclusive, sustainable development. They provide not only a voice to marginalized communities but also practical, low-cost solutions that can be scaled to benefit larger populations.

Grassroots organizations are essential to India's journey toward sustainability. Their ability to innovate within local contexts, foster community participation and complement government efforts makes them critical players in building resilient, sustainable communities. The future of sustainable development in India depends not just on top-down policies but on empowering these local organizations to continue their invaluable work.

Grassroots movements may start small, but their ripples can bring about transformative changes, ensuring a sustainable future for India.

(Published on 7 September 2024)

On 10 August 2024, I had attended a book launch at the Gauhati Town Club premises in Guwahati. After the launch, as I was conversing with a top official from Assam Police’s CID branch, I was both intrigued and surprised at what he said – “There is a Portuguese village in Karimganj district of Assam”.

The officer, having earlier been stationed in the Barak Valley, was well-acquainted with the village and its history. The conversation with him enhanced the curiosity within me. I wanted to know more about this village. That night itself I started researching about it, which led me to find several interesting things about a long-lost history – a history that binds together a European mercenary, an Indian dancing girl, the East India Company, the Mughals, the Kachari Kings and the Burmese.

The story had started with Walter Reinhardt Sombre, a European adventurer and mercenary who arrived in India in the early eighteenth century. Initially, he worked for the Faujdars of Purnea in Bihar, where he was tasked with recruiting and training an infantry battalion in the European style. Subsequently, he moved to Bengal, changing allegiances multiple times before eventually serving Mir Qasim, the Nawab of Bengal.

Walter Reinhardt later established his own mercenary army and secured a position from Shah Alam II, the seventeenth Mughal emperor, as the ruler of Sardhana, a small principality near Meerut in present-day Uttar Pradesh. Around 1767, he encountered and either married or began co-habiting with a 14-year-old dancing girl (Tawaif in local parlance) named Farzana. She would later become known as Begum Samru.

Following Walter’s death, Begum Samru inherited not only the rule of Sardhana but also the command of his professionally trained mercenary army. On 7 May 1781, she was baptized by a Roman Catholic priest, adopting the name Joanna Nobilis Sombre, making her the only Catholic ruler in Northern India.

It was this very mercenary army that ventured into what is now Karimganj district of Assam. When Raja Gobind Chandra, the last Kachari King, sought help from the East India Company to repel Burmese advances, these soldiers stationed in Sylhet (now part of Bangladesh) were dispatched to assist him. They fortified themselves in Badarpur, where they defended against the Burmese. In gratitude, the King granted them land at Baniyachong in Sylhet. While some of these Portuguese soldiers settled there, others chose to remain in Bondashil, near Badarpur in Karimganj.

The descendants of these Portuguese soldiers still reside in Bondashil, seamlessly integrated into the village community. They speak Bengali fluently and their Sylheti dialect is impeccable. Their traditional attire—vermilion on their foreheads, shell bangles on their arms and black beaded necklaces—often leads people to mistake them for Bengali Hindus. The revelation that they are, in fact, Christians frequently surprises those who meet them.

Their weddings are a unique blend of traditions, taking place in the village church. The ceremony begins with the religious rites typical of Christian marriages. Afterward, the groom places vermillion on the bride’s forehead and the couple exchanges garlands, a custom reminiscent of Hindu weddings. This rare fusion of Hindu and Christian practices creates a beautiful and harmonious celebration, reflecting the rich cultural tapestry of their heritage.

None of these families in Bondashil have any direct connection to Portugal; they are entirely Indian citizens, exercising their rights and responsibilities, including voting in local elections. The surnames - Gonzales, Frank, Dias, Paneros, De’Silva - are the sole remnants of their Portuguese heritage, serving as a historical echo of their ancestors' origins. Over time, many of these families have moved to other regions of India in search of better employment opportunities, contributing to the ongoing evolution of their community.

This Portuguese village in Karimganj district offers a glimpse into a lost chapter of history, where European and Indian destinies intertwined in unexpected ways. The story of Walter Reinhardt Sombre, his mercenary army and the descendants who now call Bondashil home highlights a historical narrative that has largely faded from mainstream awareness.

The unique fusion of cultures in Bondashil, where Christian traditions blend seamlessly with local customs, reflects the deep and often overlooked connections between different cultures and eras. Although these families no longer have direct links to Portugal, their surnames and practices preserve a fragment of this forgotten history.

Their continued presence and integration into Indian society, despite having migrated to other regions in search of better opportunities, underscore the resilience and adaptability of cultural heritage. This narrative of lost history reminds us of the complex and often hidden layers of our past, enriching our understanding of the diverse influences that shape communities today.

(Published on 13 August 2024)

420 – this is not only a number; for Indians, this had a specific meaning. Mentioning it would evoke knowing smiles and nods, for everyone knew its association with deceit and trickery. The roots of this infamous number lay in Section 420 of the Indian Penal Code (IPC), which defined the act of cheating.

For decades, 420 was more than just a legal term; it became embedded in everyday parlance and popular culture. Bollywood played a significant role in this. The iconic 1955 film, "Shree 420", featuring the legendary Raj Kapoor and Nargis, captured the imagination of millions. Kapoor’s character, a small-town boy navigating the big city of Mumbai (then Bombay), donned multiple identities to achieve his dreams, embodying the essence of ‘420’.

Years later, the comedic hit "Chachi 420", starring Tabu and Kamal Haasan, solidified the number’s place in popular culture. Haasan’s character, in a desperate attempt to stay close to his child post-divorce, disguised himself as a female nanny, a scheme that resonated with the cunning and resourcefulness associated with ‘420’.

However, as the pages of history turned, so did the chapters of law. On 1 July 2024, India saw the dawn of a new era in its legal landscape. The venerable IPC gave way to the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS), and with it, Section 420 retired, reborn as Section 318.

The BNS, part of a trio of new laws including the Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita (BNSS) and the Bharatiya Sakshya Adhiniyam, aims to modernize and streamline the criminal justice system. The BNSS has replaced the Criminal Procedure Code (CrPC) and Bharatiya Sakshya Adhiniyam has taken the place of the Indian Evidence Act.

The change was akin to an old friend moving away; 420, once so familiar and evocative, had become 318. The new number, while legally significant, lacks the historical weight and cultural resonance of its predecessor.

Despite this transformation, the essence of the law remains steadfast. Cheating and fraud still bears the same consequences, only now under a different numerical banner. The renumbering have not diluted the seriousness of these crimes; it merely reflects a modernized approach to legal codification.

If we compare the two codes, it can be seen that while there were 511 sections in the IPC, there are only 358 sections in the BNS. This reduction signifies a streamlined and more efficient legal framework, aimed at addressing contemporary issues more effectively. Furthermore, 31 new crimes have been added to the BNS, addressing emerging challenges in the digital age and other modern contexts. Conversely, 19 provisions of the IPC have been removed, either because they were deemed outdated or redundant.

The BNS even includes a section on punishment for offences committed beyond India, recognizing the global nature of crime and the need for a comprehensive legal response. Some sections of the IPC are included as sub-sections in the BNS without major changes, ensuring continuity and stability in legal interpretations and applications.

A notable introduction in the BNS is the inclusion of community service as a form of punishment. This is a significant shift from traditional incarceration, aiming to reduce the burden on jails and offer a rehabilitative approach for first-time offenders. By giving community service legal status, the BNS acknowledges the potential for reform and the benefits of restorative justice.

In this new chapter of legal jurisprudence, Indians are left with a sense of nostalgia. 420 might have been reclassified, but its legacy as a symbol of trickery and its deep roots in the collective consciousness of a nation would endure. The stories, films and folklore associated with 420 have immortalized it as a cultural icon in India. While 318 might govern the legal books, in the hearts of many, 420 would always signify the tales of clever cons and audacious acts that had become part of India’s rich tapestry of stories.

(Published on 9 July 2024)

The 2024 Lok Sabha elections delivered a surprising outcome, with the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) falling short of the majority it had comfortably secured in the past two election cycles. For the first time since 2014, the BJP did not win enough seats to form a government on its own. However, through strategic alliances, the party managed to stay in power, highlighting the complexities of coalition politics in India's parliamentary democracy.

Election Results and Coalition Dynamics

The BJP won 240 seats, which is significantly below the 272 seats needed for a majority in the Lok Sabha. This is a sharp decline from the 303 seats it held in 2019 and the 282 seats in 2014. To form the government, the BJP needed the support of its allies in the National Democratic Alliance (NDA). Key partners such as N Chandrababu Naidu's Telugu Desam Party (TDP), which secured 16 seats in Andhra Pradesh, and Nitish Kumar's Janata Dal (United) [JD(U)], which won 12 seats in Bihar, were crucial in helping the NDA cross the halfway mark.

This reliance on coalition partners will likely force the BJP to moderate its stance on various issues to maintain coalition stability. For instance, BJP might need to tone down its hardline positions on social and cultural issues. Allies with more centrist or secular constituencies may push back against policies perceived as overly promoting Hindu nationalist agendas, necessitating a more inclusive approach to governance. Given the importance of agriculture in states like Andhra Pradesh and Bihar, the BJP might need to adopt more farmer-friendly policies, addressing concerns about agricultural distress and implementing measures to ensure better support and pricing for farmers. Coalition partners often represent regional interests and are keen on ensuring that the central government respects and addresses regional autonomy and concerns. The BJP may need to demonstrate greater flexibility in dealing with state governments and accommodating regional demands.

Impact on BJP's Internal Dynamics

The BJP's weaker-than-expected performance in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections could have significant implications for Prime Minister Narendra Modi's leadership. Over the past decade, Modi has been the dominant figure within the BJP, his influence and leadership shaping the party much like Indira Gandhi did with the Congress Party during the 1970s. This centralization of power around Modi was a key feature of the BJP's 2024 campaign, which heavily focused on "Modi's guarantee," a slogan that emphasized the Prime Minister's personal promises and leadership capabilities. This approach positioned Modi as the face of the party, making the election a direct referendum on his tenure and vision for the country.

The party's inability to secure a majority, falling short of the seats needed to govern without coalition support, marks a significant setback. This result may embolden Modi's critics, both within the party and from the broader political spectrum. Particularly notable is the potential reaction from the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), the BJP's ideological mentor. The RSS has historically been a powerful influence on the party, promoting a Hindu nationalist agenda. However, it has also expressed concerns about Modi's overwhelming dominance and his personalization of the party's ideology and strategy.

Critics within the RSS and the BJP have occasionally voiced unease over what they perceive as a shift away from the organization's core principles, driven by Modi's centralized leadership and his broader appeal to a diverse electorate. The election results, which highlight a disconnect between Modi's promises and voter satisfaction, could amplify these concerns. This may lead to increased scrutiny of Modi's strategies and a push for a more collective leadership approach within the BJP, where power is more evenly distributed among senior leaders rather than concentrated in the Prime Minister's office.

Moreover, the election outcome might trigger internal debates about the future direction of the BJP. Leaders and factions within the party who have felt sidelined by Modi's leadership might now find a platform to voice their opinions more assertively. This could lead to a re-evaluation of the party's strategies, policies and leadership structure, potentially fostering a more inclusive decision-making process. Such a shift might also necessitate a balancing act for Modi, as he navigates maintaining his authority while accommodating the growing calls for a diversified leadership model.

The Rise of the Opposition

The Congress Party, as part of the opposition INDIA bloc, made significant gains, winning 99 seats, up from 52 in 2019. This resurgence cut into the BJP's vote share in key states like Rajasthan and Haryana, demonstrating the shifting dynamics in Indian politics. The Congress has re-emerged as a credible national alternative, building a reputation as a consensus builder. Despite still being controlled by the Gandhi family, the party has successfully balanced welfare needs with the goal of modern industrial development and has been a strong proponent of human and civil rights.

The Samajwadi Party also contributed to the opposition's morale, securing 37 seats in Uttar Pradesh. Meanwhile, the Trinamool Congress (TMC) increased its presence in West Bengal, winning 29 seats compared to 22 in 2019. The BJP's seats in West Bengal dropped from 18 to 12. These developments underscore the growing influence of regional parties and the increasing importance of state-level politics in the national landscape.

A Democratic Renaissance

One of the most notable aspects of the 2024 elections was the vibrant expression of democratic freedoms that emerged during the campaign and voting process. Voters across the country openly shared their views on the government's performance, with many expressing dissent and critiquing policies that they felt were ineffective or harmful. The ability of citizens to freely voice their opinions is a cornerstone of a healthy democracy and the 2024 elections showcased this in a profound way.

Several independent YouTube channels played a crucial role in amplifying dissenting voices and providing voters with a diverse range of perspectives during the 2024 elections. These channels became vibrant platforms for political discourse, offering a counterbalance to traditional media outlets that may have been perceived as biased or restricted in their coverage. By leveraging the reach and accessibility of digital media, these YouTube channels managed to engage a broad audience, including young voters and those in remote areas who might not have had easy access to conventional news sources.

The surge in political engagement through these digital platforms is indicative of a maturing political landscape in India. It reflects a significant shift towards the democratization of information, where citizens are no longer solely reliant on mainstream media to form their opinions. Instead, they can access a plethora of viewpoints and analyses, enhancing their understanding of political issues and enabling them to make more informed decisions. This digital revolution has empowered voters by providing them with the tools to scrutinize government actions, policies and promises more critically.

This heightened political engagement and freedom of expression are positive signs for India's democracy. They suggest that the electorate is becoming more informed and assertive, willing to hold their leaders accountable and demand transparency and responsiveness. The ability to freely discuss and debate political issues is essential for the functioning of a democratic society, as it encourages the development of policies that reflect the will and needs of the people.

Conclusion

The 2024 Lok Sabha elections have marked a significant shift in India's political landscape. The BJP's reliance on coalition partners to maintain power, the resurgence of the Congress Party and the vibrant expression of democratic freedoms all point to a more dynamic and competitive political environment.

While the immediate aftermath of the elections may pose challenges for the BJP and Prime Minister Modi, these developments could ultimately lead to a more balanced and responsive governance structure. The need to accommodate coalition partners and a reinvigorated opposition could drive the government to focus more on pressing issues such as poverty reduction, economic development and the preservation of democratic values. By addressing these challenges through collaborative and inclusive strategies, the government can enhance its legitimacy and effectiveness.

The shift towards a more competitive and participatory political environment promises to strengthen the country's democratic foundations. As parties navigate this new landscape, the potential for more balanced and responsive governance offers hope for a future where economic progress, social justice and democratic freedoms are more robustly upheld. This election has set the stage for an evolving political dynamic that could redefine the principles and practices of governance in India. 

(Published on 8 June 2024)

Women candidates in India's elections have historically faced a myriad of challenges and opportunities, reflecting the complexities of gender dynamics in one of the world's most populous and diverse democracies. India, often celebrated as the world's largest democracy, has indeed made significant strides in promoting gender equality and encouraging women's participation in various spheres of life, including politics. However, the journey towards achieving gender parity in the political arena remains fraught with obstacles and women continue to be notably underrepresented in positions of political power.

Women constituted only 8 per cent of the total 2,823 candidates in the first two phases of the Lok Sabha elections in 2024. There were 135 women candidates in the first phase of the elections and 100 in the second phase, bringing the combined total for the first two phases to 235.

The struggle for women's political empowerment in India is deeply intertwined with the country's socio-cultural fabric and historical legacy. Despite a rich history of women leaders and activists contributing to India's freedom struggle and social reform movements, the formal entry of women into electoral politics was a gradual process marked by persistent resistance and entrenched patriarchal norms. Over time, legal and institutional reforms, as well as grassroots mobilization efforts, have expanded opportunities for women to engage in the political process.

One significant milestone in this regard was the introduction of reservations for women in local governance bodies through the 73rd and 74th Constitutional Amendments in 1992. These amendments mandated a certain percentage of seats to be reserved for women in Panchayats and Municipalities, thereby providing a platform for women to participate actively in grassroots-level decision-making. This initiative, coupled with affirmative action measures and targeted government programs, has facilitated the emergence of a new generation of women leaders at the grassroots level, empowering them to address community needs and champion women's rights.

Despite progress at the local level, women's representation in India's national politics continues to lag behind. While women comprise about half of India's population, their presence in the Lok Sabha has been far from proportional. In the 2019 general elections, for example, women constituted only about 14 per cent of the total candidates fielded by major political parties.

Various structural and systemic barriers impede women's full and equal participation in electoral politics. Deep-rooted gender biases, cultural stereotypes and traditional role expectations often discourage women from seeking political office or inhibit their ability to navigate the male-dominated political landscape. Moreover, factors such as limited access to resources, including financial capital and political networks, further disadvantage women candidates, particularly those from marginalized communities.

The underrepresentation of women in India's political sphere not only undermines the principles of democracy and equality but also hampers the effectiveness and inclusivity of governance. Women bring unique perspectives and experiences to the table, yet their voices remain largely marginalized in decision-making processes. The absence of diverse female voices in legislative bodies perpetuates a democratic deficit, limiting the range of policy priorities addressed and hindering progress towards gender-responsive governance.

Despite these challenges, women candidates in India's elections have demonstrated resilience and determination. Many have overcome significant obstacles to contest elections and have made significant contributions to public life. Several women leaders have played prominent roles in Indian politics, breaking barriers and inspiring future generations of women leaders.

Efforts to increase women's representation in Indian politics are ongoing. Civil society organizations, women's rights groups and activists advocate for gender-sensitive electoral reforms, including increased reservation of seats for women in legislative bodies. Political parties are also increasingly recognizing the importance of fielding women candidates and implementing internal quotas to ensure greater gender balance in candidate selection.

Addressing the gender gap in political representation requires concerted efforts across multiple fronts. It necessitates targeted interventions to dismantle structural barriers and create an enabling environment for women's political participation. This includes fostering a culture of gender sensitivity within political parties, promoting women's leadership development, enhancing access to political education and training and ensuring the effective implementation of existing gender quota provisions. Additionally, there is a growing recognition of the importance of engaging men as allies in the fight for gender equality and challenging entrenched patriarchal norms that perpetuate inequality.

Overall, while India has made significant strides in promoting women's political participation, the journey towards achieving gender parity in politics is far from over. Sustained commitment and collective action are essential to overcome the multifaceted challenges that hinder women's full and equal representation in India's electoral processes. By harnessing the potential of women as agents of change and advocates for social justice, India can truly fulfil its democratic promise and build a more inclusive and equitable society for all.  

 (Published on 13 May 2024)

India, a land that breathes history, boasts an ancient heritage that stretches back millennia. This subcontinent has been a cradle of civilization, witnessing the rise and fall of empires, the birth of religions and the evolution of art and science. India's ancient heritage is a rich tapestry that reflects the diverse and dynamic nature of the country. From the towering Himalayas to the sun-kissed beaches of the south, every corner of India echoes with the whispers of its glorious past.

One of the earliest chapters in India's ancient history is the Indus Valley Civilization, dating back to around 3300 BCE. The cities of Mohenjo-Daro and Harappa stand as testimony to an advanced urban culture, with sophisticated drainage systems, well-planned streets and an intricate understanding of town planning. The script of this civilization, however, remains undeciphered, leaving a sense of mystery surrounding their intellectual achievements and societal structure.

The Vedic period, around 1500 BCE, saw the composition of the Rigveda, one of the oldest sacred texts in the world. It laid the foundation for Hindu philosophy and rituals, encompassing concepts of dharma (righteousness) and karma (action). The Upanishads, later philosophical texts, delved into the nature of existence, consciousness and the ultimate reality, shaping the spiritual landscape of India.

The Maurya Empire, founded by Chandragupta Maurya in the 4th century BCE, marked the first unification of most of the Indian subcontinent. His grandson, Ashoka, embraced Buddhism and propagated the teachings of non-violence, contributing to the spread of the religion. The Gupta Empire, during the 4th to 6th centuries CE, is often referred to as the "Golden Age of India", witnessing advancements in science, mathematics and art. Aryabhata, an ancient Indian mathematician, made significant contributions to trigonometry and algebra during this period.

India's ancient heritage is also vividly reflected in its art and architecture. The Ajanta and Ellora Caves, carved between the 2nd century BCE and 6th century CE, showcase exquisite paintings and sculptures that depict the life of Buddha and various Hindu deities. The Khajuraho temples, built around 950 CE, boast intricately carved erotic sculptures, highlighting the artistic brilliance of the Chandela dynasty.

The advent of Islam in the Indian subcontinent brought with it a new chapter in history. The Delhi Sultanate, established in the 13th century, marked the beginning of Islamic rule. The Mughal Empire saw the construction of architectural marvels such as the Taj Mahal, a symbol of eternal love, and the Red Fort, a testament to grandeur and power.

The arrival of European powers in the 15th century, particularly the British, marked a significant shift in India's history. The struggle for independence in the 20th century, led by figures like Mahatma Gandhi, saw the revival of ancient philosophies of non-violence and self-reliance. India gained independence in 1947 and the ancient heritage played a crucial role in shaping the identity of the newly-formed nation.

In contemporary times, India strives to preserve and celebrate its ancient heritage. Archaeological sites, museums and cultural festivals showcase the richness of the past. Yoga and Ayurveda, ancient practices with roots in India, have gained global popularity, emphasizing the timeless relevance of traditional knowledge.

India's ancient heritage is a treasure trove of wisdom, innovation and cultural diversity. From the cradle of civilization in the Indus Valley to the philosophical insights of the Upanishads, the architectural splendours of the various kingdoms to the struggle for independence, every era has left an indelible mark on the canvas of India's history. As the country moves forward, the embrace of its ancient heritage provides a roadmap for a harmonious and culturally vibrant future.

(Published on 22 February 2024)

On 27 October 2023, an alliance of anti-Junta forces in Myanmar launched an offensive against the ruling military regime, who had seized power from Aung San Suu Kyi's civilian-led government in February 2021. The offensive, called Operation 1027 (denoting the date on which the offensive started), is a meticulously planned military operation and is being undertaken by the Three Brotherhood Alliance, a military coalition composed of three ethnic armed organisations in Myanmar: Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), the Arakan Army (AA), and Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA), allied with other anti-junta forces in Myanmar.

Simultaneous offensives were launched by the joint forces in numerous towns across northern Shan State, with the primary targets being installations of the Myanmar Army, Myanmar Police Force and pro-military militias. These coordinated attacks unfolded in Kutkai, Kyaukme, Muse, Namhkam, Nawnghkio, Lashio and Chinshwehaw. The scope of the rebellion widened as the insurgents extended their offensive beyond Shan State into Sagaing Region. Notable targets in this expansion included Mogok, Mandalay and Htigyaing, with the rebels successfully capturing Kawlin. Additionally, the rebels directed their efforts towards the Kokang Self-Administered Zone (SAZ).

In a show of solidarity, other anti-junta factions within the country, including the People's Defense Force (PDF) of the government-in-exile, the National Unity Government (NUG), pledged their support and active participation in the operation. This collaboration resulted in further coordinated attacks on the regime, underscoring the unified front against the existing authorities.

The Three Brotherhood Alliance formally announced the initiation of Operation 1027 on October 27, 2023, through a unified statement. The comprehensive objectives outlined in the statement are as follows:

• •  Safeguarding the lives of civilians

  • Affirming their right to self-defence

  • Securing control over their territory

  • Responding decisively to continual artillery attacks and airstrikes carried out by the State Administration Council (the ruling Military junta)

  • Eliminating the grip of oppressive military rule

  • Combating the pervasive issue of online gambling fraud, particularly prevalent along the China–Myanmar border

Since the offensive began, the alliance has reported a series of significant triumphs, including the occupation of over 200 military posts and the control of four border crossing points critical to trade with China. This military engagement has resulted in the disruption of cross-border trade, prompting apprehensions in Beijing.

Amid escalating hostilities near its border, China has advocated for a cease-fire. Acting as a mediator, China facilitated peace talks between the military and the alliance, culminating in an agreement on a cease-fire announced on December 14. Despite this diplomatic effort, ongoing clashes persist in at least five townships in the northern region of Shan. The TNLA asserts its capture of two of these townships, underscoring the complexities and challenges in achieving a comprehensive resolution to the conflict.

Against the backdrop of these unfolding events, the Indian government has been vigilantly monitoring the situation in Myanmar. The primary apprehension revolves around the potential spillover of violence into Indian territory, with particular concern for Mizoram and Manipur. These two states, along with Nagaland and Arunachal Pradesh, collectively share an extensive land border of over 1,600 km with Myanmar.

In the initial stages of the conflict, approximately 5,000 Myanmar nationals, including several soldiers, sought refuge in Mizoram. In response, these troops were subsequently transported to an alternate border crossing and repatriated to Myanmar, highlighting the Indian government's proactive measures to manage the consequences of the conflict within its borders.

India has emphatically urged an end to the ongoing violence in Myanmar, with Arindam Bagchi, the spokesperson for India's Ministry of External Affairs, reiterating this stance to reporters. Bagchi stated, "We reiterate our call for the return of peace, stability and democracy in Myanmar." Expressing deep concern over the recent hostilities in the Rihkhawdar area in Chin State, particularly opposite Zokhawthar in Mizoram along the India-Myanmar border, Bagchi highlighted the consequential movement of Myanmar nationals into Indian territory.

India has upheld a cooperative relationship with the Myanmar military, which calls itself the State Administration Council (SAC). A United Nations report released in May 2023 revealed that Indian government-owned companies and private firms have supplied $51 million worth of arms, dual-use items and raw materials to the military junta since February 2021.

The rationale behind India's amicable ties with the ruling administration in Myanmar is multifaceted. Firstly, it stems from a crucial need for border security. The escalating ethnic tensions in Manipur, where the Meitei majority accuses the Kuki community, with ethnic ties to Myanmar's Chin state, of providing refuge to their kin from Myanmar. This situation is perceived as a potential demographic imbalance against the Meitei people, underscoring the significance of maintaining border stability.

Another pivotal factor is India's overarching strategic interest, driven by the aim of preventing increased Chinese influence in a country that could potentially enhance China's access to India's vital maritime space in the Bay of Bengal and the Indian Ocean.

Trade considerations also play a vital role. Myanmar's inclusion in India's regional trade and infrastructure initiatives, such as the Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC) and Mekong-Ganga Cooperation (MGC), reinforces the economic dimension of India's engagement with Myanmar.

It is noteworthy to recollect that India played a pivotal role in shaping Burma's inaugural constitution. In recognition of India's burgeoning democratic framework, Aung San, the leader of Burma, sought assistance from B. N. Rau, an adviser to the Constituent Assembly of India, for the drafting process. Burma's constitution was formally adopted on 4 January 1948, coinciding with the day the nation gained independence from British rule. Notably, the two constitutions shared common features, including the incorporation of fundamental rights and the establishment of a bicameral parliamentary democracy.

The current landscape demands a reassessment of India's approach towards Myanmar. Adopting a forward-looking perspective, India should strategically consider distancing itself gradually from the existing ruling junta, a dispensation that faces widespread disapproval among the majority of the native population. It is imperative for India to gauge the evolving dynamics and position itself in a manner that aligns with the aspirations of the Myanmar people.

A potential avenue for India could be to throw its support behind the National Unity Government of Myanmar. The effectiveness of this government regaining power hinges on the outcome of the ongoing rebel offensive, which seeks to overcome the forces loyal to the junta across the nation. While the prospect of such a transition remains uncertain, India should, nevertheless, be proactive in preparing for a range of scenarios.

By recalibrating its stance and cultivating ties with entities that resonate with the democratic aspirations of the Myanmar people, India can position itself as a constructive and supportive partner. This strategic shift not only aligns with India's commitment to democratic principles but also reflects a nuanced understanding of the evolving political landscape in Myanmar. Being prepared for potential changes in the political scenario demonstrates India's adaptability and commitment to fostering stability and democracy in the region.

(Published on 21 December 2023)

The recent conflict in Gaza has reignited a question that looms persistently in the international discourse: Has the United Nations (UN) failed in fulfilling its mandate as a global peacekeeper and mediator? As the recent events unfold, it is imperative to critically examine the role of the UN in addressing the complexities of the Gaza conflict and assess whether the organization has effectively discharged its responsibilities in the face of recurrent tensions in the region.

Gaza, a region marked by protracted geopolitical disputes and cycles of violence, has been a perennial challenge for international diplomacy. The UN's involvement dates back decades, with resolutions, peacekeeping missions and humanitarian efforts aimed at fostering stability and addressing the needs of the affected population. Despite these efforts, the cycle of conflict persists, prompting scrutiny of the UN's efficacy in the region.

The UN has deployed various peacekeeping missions and resolutions to address the Israel-Palestine conflict, including those specifically focused on Gaza. However, the recurring outbreaks of violence raise questions about the effectiveness of these peacekeeping initiatives. The Security Council's historic gridlock, marked by the veto power wielded by key members, has often hampered decisive action, leaving the UN's capacity to enforce peace in question.

The humanitarian toll of the Gaza conflict is staggering, with civilian casualties, displacement and infrastructure damage creating a dire situation for the local population. UN agencies have been on the front lines, providing essential aid. Nevertheless, challenges persist, including access limitations, funding shortfalls and the continuous strain on humanitarian resources.

The UN has faced criticism for its perceived inability to prevent the recurrence of violence in Gaza. Critics argue that the organization should play a more assertive role in conflict prevention, resolution and holding parties accountable for human rights violations. The international community, at times, appears divided on how to address the complexities of the Israel-Palestine conflict, leading to a lack of cohesive and decisive action.

The Gaza conflict underscores broader systemic challenges within the UN, including the need for Security Council reform to mitigate political stalemates and enhance the organization's ability to respond effectively to evolving conflicts. Additionally, the UN's approach to conflict resolution and peacekeeping must adapt to the complex and dynamic nature of contemporary geopolitical disputes.

While the question of whether the United Nations has failed in addressing the Gaza conflict is multifaceted, it is evident that the organization faces significant challenges in achieving lasting peace in the region. The ongoing violence highlights the need for a comprehensive and coordinated international response, with the UN playing a pivotal role. As the world grapples with the intricacies of the Gaza situation, a critical evaluation of the UN's strategies, mechanisms, and capacity for conflict resolution becomes imperative for fostering a more secure and stable future in the region.

(Published on 18 November 2023)

In the 21st century, data is often called the "new oil". Its immense potential lies in its ability to provide valuable insights, guide decision-making and shape policies. In the context of India's socio-economic development, data-driven advocacy is becoming increasingly critical, especially when it comes to empowering marginalized communities.

Data is more than just numbers and statistics; it is the foundation upon which informed decisions are made. In the realm of socio-economic development, data serves as a powerful tool for identifying issues, assessing progress and formulating evidence-based policies. When it comes to marginalized communities in India, data plays a pivotal role in addressing their unique challenges.

To effectively advocate for marginalized communities, it is essential to understand the depth and breadth of their marginalization. This includes recognizing socio-economic disparities, disparities in access to education and healthcare, land rights issues and the inter-section of gender issues within these communities. Data collection and analysis enable us to paint an accurate picture of the existing conditions.

Research organizations and think tanks have a crucial role to play in data-driven advocacy. They are instrumental in collecting, analyzing, and disseminating data related to marginalized communities. By conducting surveys, field studies and impact assessments, these organizations provide invaluable insights that shed light on the specific needs and challenges faced by these communities.

For instance, organizations like the National Council of Applied Economic Research (NCAER) have conducted extensive research on various aspects of socio-economic development. Their work has helped policymakers and advocacy groups make informed decisions and develop targeted interventions.

Non-governmental organizations (NGOs) also play a vital role in data-driven advocacy. They often work closely with marginalized communities, collecting data at the ground level and using it to design programmes that address community-specific needs. These organizations bridge the gap between data collection and actionable change. The data collected helps them target the areas with the highest need and measure the impact of their efforts.

Data-driven advocacy isn't also just about collecting data; it's about using that data to advocate for policy change. When policymakers have access to concrete evidence of the challenges faced by marginalized communities, they are more likely to take action. For instance, data on school dropout rates among tribal girls in a particular region can lead to targeted policies that address this issue, such as scholarships or transportation support.

The impact of data-driven initiatives on the socio-economic development of marginalized communities is tangible and profound. It has led to improved access to education, healthcare and employment opportunities. It has empowered communities to demand their rights, including land rights and social entitlements. It has also contributed to the overall development and upliftment of these communities.

Data-driven advocacy is not a luxury but a necessity when it comes to addressing the unique challenges faced by India's marginalized communities. Through the efforts of research organizations, NGOs and grassroots initiatives, data is transforming the way we approach socio-economic development. By leveraging the power of data, we can build a more inclusive and equitable future for all, ensuring that no one is left behind on the path to progress.

(Published on 4 October 2023)

In an era where financial investments have traditionally been synonymous with profit maximization, a new force is emerging, one that seeks to balance financial returns with social and environmental impact. Social impact investing (also referred to as impact investing) has gained momentum across the globe and India is no exception.

Social impact investing is a financial strategy that goes beyond the sole pursuit of monetary returns. It involves deploying capital with the intention of generating positive, measurable social and environmental outcomes alongside financial gains. In essence, it seeks to align profit with purpose.

India, a country characterized by its diverse economic, social and environmental challenges, has witnessed a significant surge in impact investing activity in recent years. India's vibrant entrepreneurial ecosystem has given rise to a wave of socially conscious startups addressing various developmental issues, from education and healthcare to clean energy and rural livelihoods.

The Indian government, recognizing the importance of impact investing, has introduced favourable policies and initiatives to encourage social enterprises and impact investors. These include the National Skill Development Corporation (NSDC) and the Startup India campaign.

The younger generation of investors is increasingly seeking investments that align with their values and beliefs. Impact investing allows them to make a difference while growing their wealth. Major financial institutions, both domestic and international, have entered the impact investing space, signalling its growing credibility and potential.The development of robust impact measurement frameworks and reporting standards has enhanced transparency and accountability in the sector.

Impact investments in India are diverse, spanning multiple sectors:

• • Renewable Energy: Investments in solar and wind energy projects contribute to reducing India's carbon footprint while offering attractive returns.

• • Microfinance: Supporting microfinance institutions helps provide financial services to underserved populations, promoting financial inclusion.

• • Agriculture: Impact investors are aiding smallholder farmers with access to credit, technology and market linkages to improve agricultural productivity.

• • Healthcare: Investment in healthcare startups is improving healthcare access and quality in both urban and rural areas.

• • Education: Impact investments in education aim to bridge educational disparities by supporting innovative models and edtech platforms.

Despite the promising growth of social impact investing in India, there are still some challenges. Some such challenges are:

• • Risk Perception: Some investors remain wary of impact investments due to concerns about financial returns and risk.

• • Exit Strategies: Finding suitable exit strategies for impact investments can be challenging, particularly in sectors with longer gestation periods.

• • Scalability: Scaling social enterprises to reach a broader impact can be complex, often requiring patient capital and strategic support.

• • Measurement and Reporting: Standardizing impact measurement and reporting across various sectors remains a work in progress.

• • Regulatory Clarity: The sector would benefit from further regulatory clarity to ensure investor protection and encourage more significant participation.

It can be safely said that social impact investing in India represents a promising approach to addressing the nation's pressing social and environmental challenges. It offers a unique opportunity to mobilize capital for good, driving positive change while still generating financial returns. As the sector continues to mature, India's development landscape stands to benefit immensely from the power of impact investing, creating a win-win scenario for investors and society at large. As more investors and entrepreneurs embrace this paradigm shift, the potential for meaningful and lasting change in India grows ever brighter.

(Published on 8 September 2023)

Indigenous knowledge refers to the collective knowledge, wisdom and practices that have been developed and passed down through generations within indigenous communities. It encompasses a wide range of information, including traditional customs, beliefs, ecological knowledge, agricultural practices, medicinal remedies, storytelling and artistic expressions, among others. This knowledge is deeply rooted in the specific cultural, social and environmental contexts of indigenous people.

Some key characteristics of indigenous knowledge are:

• • Oral Tradition: Indigenous knowledge is predominantly transmitted orally from elders to younger generations. It is often conveyed through stories, myths, proverbs and songs, which serve not only as a means of passing information but also as a way to preserve cultural heritage and identity.

• • Relationship with Nature: Indigenous knowledge systems are deeply connected to the environment and the natural world. These cultures have developed intimate understandings of ecosystems, biodiversity, weather patterns and sustainable resource management practices.

• • Holistic Approach: Indigenous knowledge takes a holistic approach to understanding the inter-connectedness of all aspects of life. It recognizes the relationships between humans, nature and spirituality, and emphasizes the importance of maintaining balance and harmony.

Many indigenous societies have developed extensive knowledge of herbal medicine and healing practices. Traditional medicine systems have contributed to the discovery of new medicinal compounds and treatments. Indigenous knowledge also offers valuable insights into coping with and adapting to changing climatic conditions. Their experience in observing natural patterns and environmental shifts is essential for developing effective climate change adaptation strategies. Indigenous knowledge serves as a repository of cultural identity and heritage. It fosters a sense of belonging and continuity within indigenous communities, helping to preserve unique languages, customs and practices.

However, despite its significance, indigenous knowledge in Northeast India faces several challenges and threats:

• • Loss of Traditional Knowledge: Rapid urbanization, globalization and cultural assimilation is posing risks to the transmission of indigenous knowledge from one generation to the next in the Northeast.

• • Displacement and Land Rights: Many indigenous communities in the region face displacement due to development projects or land-grabbing, leading to a disruption of their traditional knowledge systems and practices.

• • Marginalization and Discrimination: Indigenous communities have historically faced marginalization and discrimination, hindering their access to education, healthcare and political representation.

Few years ago, I was involved in a research study during which I studied the history, culture and traditions of a few lesser known indigenous communities of Northeast India. One such tribe was the Tai Khamyangs. During this Study, we found that, as per the EGIDS Scale (a tool that is used to measure the status of a language in terms of endangerment or development), the Tai Khamyang language is Nearly Extinct. This means that only remaining users of the language are the members of the grandparent generation or older, who have little opportunity to use the language. This is just one aspect of how indigenous knowledge is facing major challenges in Northeast India.

Preserving indigenous knowledge in Northeast India is essential for safeguarding the rich cultural heritage and promoting sustainable development in the region. This would require a multifaceted approach that involves collaboration between various stakeholders, including indigenous communities, government agencies, NGOs, researchers and educational institutions.

Some such measures that may effectively preserve indigenous knowledge are:

• • Community Involvement and Empowerment: Engaging with indigenous communities directly and involving them in decision-making processes related to the preservation of their knowledge. Respecting their autonomy and seeking their consent before undertaking any initiatives.

• • Documentation and Archiving: Conducting systematic documentation of indigenous knowledge through oral history recordings, interviews and written accounts. Creating digital archives and repositories to store this information securely for future generations.

• • Cultural and Linguistic Revitalization: Supporting efforts to revitalize indigenous languages and cultural practices. Encouraging the use of indigenous languages in daily communication and educational settings.

• • Community-Based Education: Incorporating indigenous knowledge into formal and informal education systems. Developing curriculum materials that integrate traditional teachings, local practices and ecological knowledge.

• • Ethnobotanical Studies: Conducting research on traditional medicinal practices and the use of local plants for various purposes. Collaborating with traditional healers and communities to learn and document their knowledge.

• • Cultural Centres and Museums: Establishing cultural centres and museums dedicated to the preservation and promotion of indigenous art, crafts and traditional practices. These centres can serve as hubs for learning and cultural exchange.

• • Intergenerational Learning: Facilitating knowledge transfer from elders to younger generations through mentorship programs, storytelling sessions and community gatherings.

• • Community Forest Management: Recognizing the ecological wisdom of indigenous communities and involving them in community-based forest management to conserve biodiversity and sustainable resource use.

• • Technology and Digital Platforms: Utilizing technology to disseminate and preserve indigenous knowledge. Developing mobile apps, websites and digital libraries to make this knowledge accessible to a broader audience.

• • Respect Cultural Privacy: Ensuring that the documentation and sharing of indigenous knowledge are done with the utmost respect for cultural privacy and sensitivity.

• • Collaborative Research: Fostering partnerships between researchers, NGOs and indigenous communities for collaborative research projects. Involving the community members as active participants and co-researchers.

• • Awareness and Advocacy: Raising awareness about the importance of indigenous knowledge and its preservation among policymakers, stakeholders and the general public. Advocating for the inclusion of indigenous perspectives in development policies and projects.

• • Capacity Building: Providing training and capacity-building programs to empower indigenous communities in preserving and managing their knowledge resources effectively.

• • Sustainable Development Projects: Integrating indigenous knowledge in sustainable development projects, taking into account local wisdom and practices.

By implementing these strategies, we can create a more inclusive and culturally sensitive approach to preserving indigenous knowledge in Northeast India, contributing to the region's sustainable development and cultural diversity.

(Published on 7 August 2023)

Throughout human history, the moon has captivated our collective imagination and sparked a deep sense of fascination. As our closest celestial neighbour, it has been a source of wonder, inspiration and mystery. From ancient civilizations to modern times, humans have been irresistibly drawn to the moon, weaving it into our mythology, culture and scientific endeavours.

The fascination with the moon can be traced back to our earliest ancestors who gazed up at the night sky, observing the moon's cyclical phases. The regularity of its waxing and waning became intertwined with the rhythms of their lives, influencing agricultural practices, navigation and the concept of time. The moon became a celestial timekeeper, marking the passage of days, months and years.

Many ancient civilizations developed intricate lunar calendars, such as the Mayans, Chinese and Egyptians, who used the moon's movements to track seasons, predict eclipses and plan religious ceremonies. These early observations of the moon fostered a deep spiritual connection, leading to the worship of lunar deities and the inclusion of moon symbolism in religious rituals.

The moon's enigmatic nature also found its way into myths and folklore. Countless cultures crafted stories about the moon's origin and purpose, attributing its creation to divine beings or legendary figures. The moon became a symbol of beauty, femininity and tranquility, inspiring poets, artists and writers across generations.

The advent of scientific inquiry further fuelled our fascination with the moon. In the 17th century, astronomers like Galileo Galilei turned their telescopes toward the moon, revealing its complex surface features. The moon, once thought to be a perfect sphere, was discovered to be a rugged world with craters, mountains and valleys. These new revelations challenged existing beliefs and paved the way for further exploration.

The pinnacle of human fascination with the moon arrived in the 20th century with the Space Age. In 1969, the Apollo 11 mission accomplished a feat once deemed impossible—landing humans on the lunar surface. The iconic words spoken by astronaut Neil Armstrong, "That's one small step for man, one giant leap for mankind," resonated deeply within the hearts and minds of people worldwide. The moon had transitioned from a distant celestial body to a tangible destination within reach.

Following the Apollo missions, a total of six crewed landings on the moon took place, expanding our understanding of its geology and enabling the collection of valuable lunar samples. These missions ignited a surge of scientific interest and discovery, with researchers studying the moon's formation, its impact on Earth and the potential for future lunar exploration.

In recent years, the fascination with the moon has not waned. Advancements in technology have allowed us to explore the moon remotely through satellites and robotic missions. Scientists continue to investigate the moon for possibility of water/ice in its permanently shadowed craters or the potential for establishing lunar bases.

And, one such latest mission to explore the moon is India’s Chandrayaan-3 Mission. As the third lunar exploration mission orchestrated by the Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO), it represents India's resolute pursuit of landing on the moon once again. This mission follows in the wake of Chandrayaan-2, an ambitious undertaking that encountered an unforeseen hurdle during its final stages. Despite achieving a flawless orbital insertion, the lander's anticipated soft landing was thwarted by an untimely software glitch, marking a temporary setback in India's lunar aspirations. Now, with Chandrayaan-3, India prepares for a triumphant return to the lunar surface, eager to overcome past challenges and forge a new chapter in its lunar exploration saga.

With a successful soft landing, India will proudly claim its position as the fourth nation in history, following the United States, Russia, and China, to accomplish this remarkable feat. As India sets its sights on a triumphant landing with Chandrayaan-3, it aims to not only make history but also inspire a new generation of explorers and elevate the nation's standing in the global space exploration community.

The launch of Chandrayaan-3 has been scheduled for 14 July 2023 at 2:35 pm IST. By the time it reaches the moon, it will be around 42 days, with the landing scheduled for 23 August at the lunar dawn. The lander and the rover are built to last one lunar day (Lunar days and nights last for 14 earth days). As they cannot survive the extreme drop in temperatures during lunar nights, they have to land right at dawn.

The landing site too has been moved slightly from the previous landing location of Chandrayaan-2. This particular location captivated the attention of the mission planners due to the presence of numerous perpetually shaded craters, holding the promise of concealed treasures like water/ice and invaluable minerals. The decision to alter the landing site was guided by the visual insights captured by the Chandrayaan-2 orbiter, presenting a vivid and intricate cartographic representation of the lunar terrain.

ISRO has set three main objectives for the Chandrayaan-3 mission, which includes safe and soft landing of the lander on the surface of the moon; observing and demonstrating the rover’s loitering capabilities on the moon; and, undertaking scientific experiments on the chemical and natural elements like soil, water, etc. available on the surface of the moon.

For us here in Assam, this mission carries an extra amount of pride as the responsibility for launch control operations for Chandrayaan-3 has been entrusted to Shri Chayan Dutta, an alumnus of the Department of Electronics & Communication Engineering of Tezpur University, a Central University in Assam. Shri Dutta currently serves as a Scientist/Engineer-G at UR Rao Satellite Centre, Department of Space and also holds the position of Deputy Project Director, On Board Command Telemetry, Data Handling & Storage System, Lander, Chandrayaan-3 project. The Command and Data Handling subsystem is considered the spacecraft's "brains” and is responsible for controlling all its functions.

We wish our best to the Chandrayaan-3 Mission and hope that it achieves all its mission objectives. The moon will forever hold a place in our collective imagination, reminding us of our innate curiosity and our deep connection with the cosmos.

(Published on 13 July 2023)

After a brief lull in violence, the state of Manipur is once again experiencing a series of violent incidents. The distrust between the Meitei and the Kuki community seems to be increasing day-by-day and efforts for reconciliations are yet to yield any fruit. Union Home Minister Amit Shah was in Manipur for four days (29 May – 1 June), during which efforts were made to reach out to both the Kukis and Meiteis. He visited relief camps housing people from both the communities and assured all support in ensuring their early and safe return home. A probe panel led by a retired High Court judge was also announced to investigate the recent violence in the state.

Currently, the journey towards reconciliation in Manipur appears to be both gradual and lengthy. To address this conflict and rebuild trust between the tribal and non-tribal communities, a series of measures may be implemented. The situation unfolding here is not unprecedented; similar incidents have occurred worldwide and successful endeavours have been made to bring about their resolution. This article delves into some such approaches aimed at resolving inter-community conflicts in Manipur, drawing inspiration from global instances.

Promote Dialogue and Mediation

Open and honest dialogue forms the foundation for conflict resolution. Facilitating platforms for constructive conversations between the Meiteis and Kukis can foster understanding and empathy. Mediation techniques, led by impartial facilitators, can provide a safe space for both parties to express their concerns and perspectives. By actively listening and seeking common ground, solutions that address the needs of both communities can be identified.

Example: The peace process between the Maori people and non-Maori in New Zealand serves as an exemplary model. The Treaty of Waitangi established a framework for addressing historical grievances, promoting partnership and supporting cultural revitalization, enabling reconciliation and cooperation. It ensured that Maori rights are protected and considered in legislative and policy-making processes, reducing the likelihood of tribal and non-tribal conflicts.

Promote Economic Empowerment

Economic disparities often contribute to conflicts. Encouraging economic empowerment through skill development, entrepreneurship and access to resources can help reduce inequalities and foster cooperation. Job creation initiatives, vocational training programs and micro-credit schemes can uplift marginalized communities and promote economic self-sufficiency.

Example: The Chittagong Hill Tracts Peace Accord in Bangladesh focused on economic development and infrastructure projects to support the indigenous communities, aiming to reduce poverty and enhance their socio-economic conditions.

Sensitize Law Enforcement Agencies

Training and workshops for law enforcement personnel needs to be conducted to enhance their understanding of culture, history and sensitivities of tribes of Manipur. This can promote fair treatment and reduce instances of discrimination or bias (allegations of which has been constantly heard in Manipur during this conflict), thereby improving the relationship between the communities.

Example: An example of sensitizing law enforcement agencies is the Cultural Awareness and Historical Relationships Training (CAHR) program of the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) in Canada. These training programs educate officers about the history, traditions and unique challenges faced by indigenous peoples in Canada. It provides officers with knowledge and tools to interact respectfully and effectively with indigenous individuals and communities. It aims to reduce biases, stereotypes and discriminatory practices, while promoting empathy, understanding and cooperation.

Encourage Collaboration and Cooperation

Joint initiatives and projects that bring together Meiteis and Kukis may be promoted. This could include community development programs, environmental conservation efforts or economic ventures that benefit both communities. By working together towards common goals, trust and mutual respect can be nurtured.

Example: The Joint Forest Management (JFM) approach, that has been successfully implemented in various states across India, like Odisha, Gujarat and Maharashtra, can be implemented in Mnaipur too. Under the JFM model, non-tribal and tribal communities collaborate with forest officials to jointly manage and protect forests in their respective areas. This approach recognizes the rights and traditional knowledge of tribal communities while involving non-tribal communities in the decision-making process. Through JFM, communities are engaged in activities such as afforestation, forest protection and sustainable harvesting of forest produce. The program provides a platform for non-tribals and tribals to work together towards common goals of environmental conservation, improved livelihoods and community development.

The Issue of Land

Land has been one of the major reasons behind the current conflict in Manipur. Resolving this issue of Meiteis not being able to buy land in tribal areas requires a careful and sensitive approach that takes into account the concerns and rights of both tribal and non-tribal communities.

A comprehensive land use policy needs to be developed that balances the interests of both tribal and non-tribal communities. This policy should aim to protect the rights and cultural heritage of the tribal communities while also addressing the legitimate needs of the Meiteis. The Policy should outline provisions that allow limited access to land for non-tribal residents while safeguarding the interests and rights of tribal communities. This could include leasehold arrangements, permits, or licenses for specific purposes such as residential, commercial or infrastructure development.

At the same time, the policy should clearly define and protect the land ownership and rights of tribal communities, recognizing their historical, cultural and customary land tenure systems. It should affirm their rights to traditional lands, sacred sites and natural resources. Measures such as community land trusts may be included, where tribal communities collectively own and manage land, ensuring their control and decision-making powers while allowing limited access to non-tribal residents for specific purposes.

The possibility of leasing land to non-tribal residents for specific purposes such as residential or commercial use may be explored. This can provide economic opportunities for tribal communities while retaining their ownership and control over the land. Lease agreements should be fair, transparent and regulated to prevent exploitation and ensure the long-term benefit of tribal communities.

An effective conflict resolution mechanism should also be established to address any disputes that may arise between Meitei and tribal communities regarding land ownership. These mechanisms should be fair, impartial and accessible to all parties involved.

It is important to note that each tribal area has its unique context and dynamics and solutions must be tailored to the specific circumstances of the region. Collaboration between tribal leaders, local communities, policymakers and legal experts is crucial to developing inclusive and sustainable solutions that address the concerns of all parties involved. Only then we can expect an end to the violence in the state and witness a peaceful and developed Manipur.

(Published on 5 June 2023)

The first week of May 2023 witnessed violence on a scale that was not seen in the state of Manipur for years. The State which has seen violent clashes in the past, and which still has an active insurgency problem, was comparatively peaceful for the last several years. But the calm turned into a storm on 3 May 2023.

On that day, the All Tribal Students’ Union, Manipur (ATSUM) had organized a solidarity march in all districts of Manipur opposing a Manipur High Court order which had asked the Manipur Government to send a recommendation to the Centre regarding the demand to include the Meitei community in the Scheduled Tribes (STs) list. Sporadic clashes and incidents of violence were reported soon after. On 4 May, violence escalated and the Government invoked Article 355 of the Constitution, which empowers the Centre to take necessary steps to protect a State against external aggression or internal disturbances.

By 9 May, i.e. within a span of a week, 60 people were killed, 231 people were injured and 1,700 houses, including religious places, were burnt. Around 30,000 people too were displaced, of which 20,000 have returned to their homes. The clash pitched the majority Meitei community against the tribal communities of Manipur; thus adding one more episode of ethnic violence in the State.

Manipur is home to many tribes, each with its unique culture, traditions, and history. The tribal history of Manipur dates back to ancient times, with many tribes having their origin myths and legends. Communities like Meiteis, Naga, Kuki, Hmar, Paite, Zomi, have lived here for centuries. The history of these tribes is marked by conflicts and alliances with one another and with external forces.

The arrival of the British in the 19th century brought significant changes to the tribal way of life, as they introduced a new political and economic system. The Manipur State Durbar was established in 1891 and the Meitei king became the head of the state. This led to the assimilation of the Meitei tribe into the mainstream, while the other tribes continued to maintain their separate identities.

In the post-independence period, the tribes of Manipur have struggled for autonomy and recognition of their rights. The government has recognized some tribes as Scheduled Tribes, and affirmative action programs have been implemented to address their socio-economic issues. In recent years, there have been calls for greater autonomy and self-governance among the tribal communities of Manipur, leading to tensions with the Meitei-dominated state government. And these recent clashes are an outcome of these problems.

Tensions were already high in Manipur when the State Government began conducting surveys of its Protected Forest Areas. Manipur Chief Minister N Biren Singh has spoken about encroachment of reserved and protected forest areas in the hills of Manipur by tribal communities as a reason for these surveys. Another reason is that many acres of land in the hills are being used for poppy cultivation. The government sees its crackdown on forest areas as part of a bigger war against drugs.

In April 2023, three churches were demolished by the State Government in Imphal East district. The three churches, Catholic Holy Spirit Church, Evangelical Lutheran Church and Evangelical Baptist Convention Church, were demolished after Manipur High Court termed them illegal as they were constructed without any government approval. On the night of 27 April, an event venue in Churachandpur district in Manipur, which was to be attended by Chief Minister N Biren Singh was vandalised and torched by a mob. The Chief Minister was scheduled to inaugurate a gym-cum-sports facility at that place the next day. Following this incident, internet access was momentarily suspended and Section 144 of the Code of Criminal Procedure (CrPC) was implemented in the area. This incident was nothing as compared to what followed only a few days later but it was an example of the simmering ethnic tensions in the State.  

There is also another longstanding issue that has been simmering for years – the issue of Land. The Meitei people, who live in the valley area of Manipur, are not allowed to settle or buy land in the hill areas, as those are tribal lands; however, the tribal people can buy land in the valley region. This has been a reason for discontentment among the Meitei. Also, in the tribal areas, as the population increases, the people tend to spread out into surrounding forest areas and build villages there, as they consider it to be their historical and ancestral right. This is another point which is not agreed by the government.

The Kuki people are also unhappy with the majority Meitei branding them all as ‘illegal migrants’ and ‘outsiders’. The Kukis have also been blamed as Poppy cultivators and this has hurt the sentiments of the community. Social Media is rife with these kinds of allegations and counter-allegations in Manipur. All these issues have now reached a boiling point and the violent clashes are a result of these factors combined.

Manipur has calmed down comparatively now and no clashes are being reported in the State. The curfew too is being relaxed. The underlying tensions still remain and this is where the government and the community should come together to find out a path of reconciliation. The harm and hurt that has been caused need to be remedied by positive affirmative actions. The community leaders from both Meitei and tribal communities should sit together with the Government to find an amicable solution. Violence can never be a solution and all it leads to is more confusion and delay.

It is important to recognize that these types of ethnic clashes are a result of complex and deeply rooted issues. Understanding the underlying causes of ethnic violence is crucial to finding lasting solutions. It is obvious there is no single solution that will work in all situations. However, by taking a comprehensive and collaborative approach, it is possible to make progress towards reducing ethnic violence and promoting greater peace and harmony between different communities.

(Published on 10 May 2023)

On 27-28 February 2023, the Assam Government organized the "Indi Global Bharat Summit 2023: Rising North-East" at IIT Guwahati. One of the major issues discussed here was ways to develop the skills of the people of Assam. This was indeed a timely held summit and hopefully the takeaways from this Summit are implemented on the ground to improve the skill development scenario in the state.

It is a known fact now that skill development is a crucial aspect of economic growth and development in any region. In Assam, the need for skill development has been recognized as a key driver for the state's growth and development. The state has a rich cultural heritage and natural resources but has faced challenges in terms of economic development, education, and employment opportunities.

The government of Assam has taken several initiatives to address the skill development challenges in the state. One such initiative was the creation of the Skill, Employment, and Entrepreneurship Department in 2016. The department has been working towards enhancing the employability of the youth by providing them with skill development training, creating employment opportunities, and promoting entrepreneurship.

The government has also established several training institutes and centers across the state to provide skill development training to the youth. These institutes provide training in various sectors such as tourism, hospitality, agriculture, construction, and healthcare. The government has also partnered with private sector companies to set up skill development centers in the state.

The government has also launched several skill development schemes and programs to support the youth in their quest for skill development and employment opportunities. One such program is the Chief Minister's Samagra Gramya Unnayan Yojana (CMSGUY), which aims to provide skill development training to the rural youth and promote entrepreneurship in rural areas. The program also provides financial assistance and support to the beneficiaries to set up their own businesses.

The government has also launched the Pradhan Mantri Kaushal Vikas Yojana (PMKVY) in partnership with the central government. The scheme aims to provide skill development training to over 10 million youth across India. In Assam, the scheme has been implemented in collaboration with the Skill, Employment, and Entrepreneurship Department.

The PMKVY scheme provides training in various sectors such as agriculture, healthcare, construction, and hospitality. The training is provided through various training partners across the state, including private training institutes and government training centers. The scheme also provides financial assistance to the beneficiaries to meet the expenses of training and certification.

Apart from the government initiatives, several private organizations and NGOs have also been working towards skill development in the state. The private sector has also been playing a significant role in skill development in the state. Several companies have set up their own training institutes and centers to provide skill development training to the youth.

The state has also been focusing on promoting entrepreneurship among the youth. The government has launched several programs and schemes to support and encourage entrepreneurship in the state. One such program is the Deen Dayal Upadhyaya Swavalamban Yojana (DDUSY), which aims to provide financial assistance and support to the beneficiaries to set up their own businesses.

The government has also established incubation centers and entrepreneurship development cells across the state to provide guidance and support to the aspiring entrepreneurs. These centers provide mentorship, training, and networking opportunities to the entrepreneurs.

But, while the government of Assam and various organizations are taking steps towards promoting skill development, there are still several challenges that need to be addressed to ensure that the efforts are successful in creating an impact on the economy of the state. Here are some of the significant challenges faced by Assam in the skill development sector:

• Low literacy rate: Assam has a relatively low literacy rate compared to the national average. The low literacy rate makes it difficult to implement skill development programs effectively as it requires a certain level of education and understanding of the training provided.

• Lack of infrastructure: The lack of proper infrastructure and facilities is another challenge faced by Assam. Many areas in the state do not have access to proper training institutes or facilities, making it difficult for the youth to acquire the skills required for employment.

• Limited industry exposure: Assam has a limited number of industries, which can limit the exposure of the youth to various sectors and job opportunities. This can result in a mismatch between the skills acquired and the demands of the market.

• Lack of trained trainers: There is a shortage of trained trainers and mentors in the state who can effectively train and guide the youth. This can affect the quality of training and make it difficult for the youth to acquire the required skills.

• Financial constraints: Many youths in Assam come from low-income families and cannot afford the expenses of skill development training, certification, and job placement. The lack of financial assistance can hinder their chances of acquiring the necessary skills and finding suitable employment opportunities.

• Migration: Assam has seen a significant migration of skilled and educated youth to other states and countries in search of better job opportunities. This migration can affect the workforce in the state and reduce the impact of skill development initiatives.

• Lack of coordination: The lack of coordination between different departments and organizations involved in skill development can result in duplication of efforts and a lack of efficiency in implementing the programs.

• Language barrier: Assam has a diverse population with different languages spoken across the state. The language barrier can be a challenge in implementing skill development programs as it requires effective communication and understanding between the trainers and trainees.

In order to overcome these challenges, the following measures may be taken:

• Strengthening infrastructure: The government of Assam should prioritize developing infrastructure for skill development, such as training institutes, vocational schools, and apprenticeship programs. Providing access to proper infrastructure can help the youth acquire the necessary skills and increase employability.

• Promoting industry exposure: The government can facilitate interactions between the youth and industries to provide more exposure to various sectors and job opportunities. This can be done through job fairs, internship programs, and skill development seminars.

• Providing financial assistance: Many youths in Assam come from low-income families, and providing financial assistance in the form of scholarships, loans, and grants can make skill development training more accessible. The government can also incentivize industries to invest in skill development by providing tax breaks.

• Developing trained trainers: The availability of trained trainers and mentors is crucial for the success of skill development programs. The government can provide training and certification programs for trainers and encourage industry professionals to take up teaching positions.

• Emphasizing on language proficiency: The language barrier can be a significant challenge in skill development, and providing language training and creating bilingual training modules can be a solution. The government can collaborate with language institutes and NGOs to facilitate language training for trainers and trainees.

• Encouraging entrepreneurship: The government can promote entrepreneurship by providing support for startups, business incubators, and seed funding. Encouraging entrepreneurship can help the youth develop the necessary skills and create jobs for others.

• Fostering coordination: Improved coordination between different departments and organizations involved in skill development can prevent duplication of efforts and improve efficiency. This can be achieved through regular meetings, sharing of resources and information, and joint programs.

• Addressing the issue of migration: To reduce migration, the government can create more employment opportunities by promoting industries in the state and providing a conducive environment for business growth.

In conclusion, it can be said that while the government and various organizations are working towards promoting skill development in Assam, there are several challenges that need to be addressed. The government needs to take measures to overcome these challenges. It would require a multifaceted approach that addresses infrastructure development, financial assistance, industry exposure, language proficiency, and entrepreneurship. Additionally, coordination and collaboration between different stakeholders involved in skill development is crucial for success. If implemented effectively, skill development programs can create a skilled workforce and contribute significantly to the economic growth of the state.

(Published on 1 March 2023)

The Annual Status of Education Report (ASER) 2022 was released in January 2023 after a gap of four years. ASER is a nation-wide rural household survey that reaches every rural district in India and portrays the state of education in our country.

This year’s Report has presented good as well as bad (or sad) findings in terms of the education sector in India. Firstly - the positive findings. Enrollment has been on a rise across all states and age groups indicating our nation’s children are back in school. Enrollment levels have gone from 96.6 per cent in 2010 to 96.7 per cent in 2014 to 97.2 per cent in 2018 to 98.4 per cent in 2022. Thus, for the first time, the percentage of children currently not enrolled in school has dropped to 2 per cent or below in India. Gender differences between boys and girls, in terms of percentage out of school, are also minimal.

The proportion of children enrolled in government schools in India has also increased since 2018. The period 2010 to 2014 had witnessed a decline in government school enrollment. But there has been an increase of 7.3 per cent in government school enrollment in the period 2018-2022.

For children aged 3 to 5 years, enrollment in Anganwadi Centres (AWC) has gone up since 2018. In 2022, at age 5, one-third of all children are in AWC, one-fourth are in private school and another one-fourth are enrolled in a government school. By age 6, most of the children are enrolled either in government or private schools.

Now, to the bad (as well as sad) part. The ASER Report found that the basic reading comprehension of school students in all classes has fallen to the levels before 2012. May be this was because of the lengthy closure of schools due to COVID-induced lockdown or low accessibility or studying ability via digital medium; whatever be the reason, this is a major issue that needs to be looked into and addressed at the earliest.

The ASER Report states, "Nationally, children's basic reading ability has dropped to pre-2012 levels, reversing the slow improvement achieved in the intervening years. Drops are visible in both government and private schools in most states, and for both boys and girls.”

In India, children are expected to be able to read a simple text fluently by the end of Grade II and also be able to do basic operations like subtraction. The ASER Report found that, in 2022, only one-fourth of all children in Grade III were at ‘grade level’ in Math & about 20 per cent in reading. The Report inferences this as – “most children need urgent help in acquiring foundational skills in literacy and numeracy”.

The all-India figure for children in Class 3 who can at least do subtraction dropped from 28.2 per cent in 2018 to 25.9 per cent in 2022. The proportion of Class 5 students who can do division has also fallen from 27.9 per cent in 2018 to 25.6 per cent in 2022 across India. However, there has been some improvement at the Class 8 level. The percentage of Class 8 students who can do division has increased slightly from 44.1 percent in 2018 to 44.7 percent in 2022.

In case of Assam, it was found that 98.7 per cent of the children are enrolled in schools. The enrolment in government schools of Assam increased from 71.1 per cent in 2018 to 71.9 per cent in 2022.  The proportion of boys not in school is higher than that of girls in Assam - 9.9 per cent of the boys are not in school in the age bracket of 15-16 years in Assam, as compared to 4.2 per cent of the girls.  Also, 80.1 per cent of 3 year olds in Assam were enrolled in AWCs as compared to 70.5 per cent in 2018; 29.5 per cent of 6 year olds are enrolled in pre-primary schools, including AWCs, in 2022, as compared to 43.8 per cent in 2018.

The percentage of children in Class 3 who can read at Class 2 level dropped from 19.9 per cent in 2018 to 17.9 per cent in 2022 in Assam. The proportion of children enrolled in Class 5 who can at least read a Class 2 level text fell from 40.1 per cent in 2018 to 36.5 per cent in 2022.

Percentage of children in Class 3 who are able to at least do subtraction dropped from 29.8 per cent in 2018 to 24.5 per cent in 2022 in Assam. The proportion of children in Class 5 who can do division dropped from 17.8 per cent in 2018 to 15.2 per cent in 2022 in the State.

The findings from ASER 2022 indicate that a comprehensive strategy for improving reading as well as mathematics skills at the primary and upper primary levels is urgently needed, both at the national level as well as the state level. There is need to engage children productively via activity-based learning, help students understand the basic core concepts, and, keep the children involved in their studies so as the achieve the basic foundational literacy and numeracy.

(Published on 28 January 2023)

A New Year has dawned, and with it, it has brought several new hopes, aspirations, challenges and opportunities. Several people now feel that 2023 might be the most defining year for India in decades. With the Country being at the helm of some international summits and with analysts forecasting strong economic growth for the nation, India might cement its place further as one of the superpowers in the globe.

In 2023, India will be hosting the G20 Summit. This will be first time our nation would be hosting this Summit. The Group of 20 or G20 includes the richest and developed nations of the world as well as other emerging economies. The G20 members represent around 85 per cent of the global GDP, over 75 per cent of the global trade and about two-thirds of the world population.

The Summit, which will be attended by several world leaders, will take place on 9-10 September 2023 in New Delhi. It will be a culmination of all the G20 processes and meetings held throughout the year among ministers, senior officials and civil society. The events and meetings will be held around the country and not only in major metropolitan cities. Cities like Guwahati, Surat, Thiruvananthapuram, Udaipur, among others, will play host to several events. In fact, over 200 meetings will be held across 50 Indian cities in 2023. At the conclusion of the Summit, a G20 Leaders’ Declaration will be adopted, stating their commitment towards the priorities discussed and agreed upon during the respective ministerial and working group meetings.  

The theme of India’s G20 Presidency is “Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam” or “One Earth · One Family · One Future”. Drawn from the ancient Sanskrit text of the Maha Upanishad, the theme affirms the value of all life and their interconnectedness on Earth and the wider Universe.

The G20 Presidency also marks the beginning of “Amritkaal” for India. It denotes the 25 year period beginning from the 75th anniversary of its independence on 15 August 2022, leading up to the centenary of its independence, towards a “futuristic, prosperous, inclusive and developed society, distinguished by a human-centric approach at its core”.

The G20 Summit is a representation of India’s ever-increasing global clout and it will showcase the country’s ability to lead and steer the socio-political discourse around the world and be a part of initiatives to solve global concerns like climate change and terrorism.

As for relations with the West, it is expected that India’s relation with the US and European Union will continue to grow in 2023. There have been some tensions in Indo-US ties as India continues to buy oil from Russia but India is quite able to maintain a balancing act in this matter. And since both these countries do not want to see China spread its wing too much around the world, they would ensure that they maintain a strong strategic partnership.

This year is also being considered as an important year for the Indian economy. It is being forecast that India will be the fastest growing economy in the world this time around. At present, India is the world’s fifth largest economy. The Country is expected to grow at 6 per cent in 2023-24 and even though the rate is lower than the current fiscal year’s growth of 6.8 per cent, it is higher than what is being forecasted for the US, China, and, the European Union.

2023 will also be the year for India in space exploration. Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO) has announced that Chandrayaan 3, its third mission to the moon, will be launched in June 2023. This mission will surely help in future inter-planetary explorations. India will also launch the Aditya L1 mission in 2023 to study the solar atmosphere, solar magnetic storms and its impact on environment around Earth.

Preparations are also on for Gaganyaan, India's first human space flight mission which is scheduled to launch in the fourth quarter of 2024. The spacecraft is being designed to carry three people and it will orbit Earth at an altitude of 400 km for up to seven days with a two or three-person crew on board. ISRO is also developing Vyommitra, a humanoid robot who will accompany the other astronauts in the mission. Before that, in 2023, ISRO would conduct an uncrewed flight which is aimed at validating the performance of the human-rated launch vehicle, Orbital module propulsion system, mission management, communication system, and recovery operations.

Apart from these, 2023 will show the boom in use of Artificial Intelligence (AI) and Virtual Reality (VR) in several sectors like hospitality, wellness and gaming, among others. India’s Pharma market size is expected to reach USD 3 billion, and the automobile sector is expected to receive large foreign investments. India's "Make in India" campaign is also expected to gain further momentum this year.

As for challenges, China will continue to be a major foreign policy issue for India in 2023. China continues to break the border agreements and keep making periodical intrusions into Indian Territory. The Indo-China border is not yet properly marked and both the sides still differ on a proper definition of a border. Till both the governments do not agree on a common shared border, this issue will continue to be a headache for India.

China’s shadow also looms large over India’s other neighbours. Its naval presence in the Indian Ocean is growing rapidly. It has provided submarines to both Bangladesh and Myanmar. Pakistan has always been its ally. India has been taking steps to counter China’s influence in its neighourhood. The Indian government continues to engage with the military regime of Myanmar even after the coup mainly for security reasons. It has also begun engaging with the Taliban in Afghanistan and has a technical team in place in Kabul and continues to extend humanitarian aid to the country. Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, and Maldives have India-friendly governments at present and India has been helping these countries. Nepal is still a tricky wicket, with both India and China exerting influence there.

India should also increase its attention towards enhancing its relations with ASEAN. With the failure of SAARC and BIMSTEC not being able to be of much influence, India must bolster its relation with its Southeast Asian neighbours. And in this regards, the Act East Policy needs to be given greater priority.

We all hope that 2023 be the year where we see India emerge as one of the strongest and stable nations in the World. Let it be the year which defines India’s growth and development and establishes it among the pantheons of greatness.

(Published on 7 January 2023)

On 22 November 2022, six people were killed and several others injured in an area bordering the West Karbi Anglong district of Assam and Mukroh village in West Jaintia Hills district of Meghalaya. According to the Assam Police, a mob surrounded them when they were trying to intercept a truck allegedly smuggling timber and they had to open fire in self defence because of this. The incident that occurred around 3 am, led to these six deaths, which included an Assam Forest Guard and five Meghalaya residents.

This clash is another incident which has roots in the long-standing inter-state border dispute in Northeast India. These disputed borders are between Assam-Meghalaya, Assam-Arunachal Pradesh, Assam-Nagaland and Assam-Mizoram. There have been numerous incidents of violence along these borders in the past and attempts to reach an amicable and negotiated settlement has yet not fully successful.

Assam and Meghalaya have a dispute in 12 stretches of their 884 km shared border. The areas in dispute are Upper Tarabari, Gazang reserve forest, Hahim, Langpih, Borduar, Boklapara, Nongwah, Matamur, Khanapara-Pilangkata, Deshdemoreah Block I and Block II, Khanduli and Retacherra.

Some of these disputes have been derived from the recommendations made by a 1951 Committee headed by then Assam Chief Minister Gopinath Bordoloi. The Committee had recommended that Blocks I and II of Jaintia Hills be transferred to the Mikir Hill (presently Karbi Anglong) district of Assam. It also recommended transferring some areas from Garo Hills to Goalpara district of Assam. When Meghalaya was carved out of Assam in 1972, the boundaries were demarcated as per the Assam Reorganisation (Meghalaya) Act of 1969 and this was done based on the recommendations of this Committee Report. Meghalaya rejects these recommendations and they claim that these areas originally belong to the Khasi–Jaintia Hills. Assam stand on this issue is that Meghalaya does not have the requisite documents to prove these areas historically belonged to Meghalaya.

The border dispute between Assam and Nagaland had started soon after Nagaland state was carved out of Assam in 1963. The borders of Nagaland had been defined via the Nagaland State Act of 1962 based on a 1925 notification when Naga Hills and Tuensang Area were integrated into a new administrative unit and made an autonomous area. But the state government of Nagaland did not accept this boundary delineation and demanded that all Naga-dominated areas of North Cachar Hills and Nagaon districts of Assam be a part of Nagaland. The basis for this was an 1866 notification of the British Government which mentioned these areas as a part of Naga territory. Border clashes soon erupted between the two states in 1965 and several more major clashes happened in 1968, 1979, 1985, 2007 and 2014. Few minor clashes still are reported from these border areas. The two states currently share a 512 km-long border.

In case of Assam and Arunachal Pradesh, which share an 804 km-long border, the grievance of the latter is that several forested tracts in the plains that had traditionally belonged to hill tribal chiefs and communities were transferred to Assam.

The dispute between Assam and Mizoram is because Mizoram wants the border to be along an inner line notified in 1875 to protect tribals from outside influence, while Assam wants it to be demarcated according to district boundaries drawn up on a later period. These two states share a border of 164 km.

Over the years several attempts have been made to resolve these disputes. In 1985, an official committee was constituted under the former Chief Justice of India Y. V. Chandrachud to settle the Assam-Meghalaya border dispute. However no solution was found. In 1988, the Assam government had filed a case in the Supreme Court for identification of the boundary and resolving the border dispute between Assam and Nagaland. The case is still pending. To solve the boundary dispute with Arunachal Pradesh, a case in Original Suit No. 1/1989 was filed in the Supreme Court by the Assam Government. The Suit is in the trial stage now.  

Recently, in March 2022, the Assam and Meghalaya governments had signed a pact resolving the dispute in 6 out of 12 areas. As per this Memorandum of Understanding (MoU), out of 36.79 sq km of disputed area taken up for settlement, Assam would get full control of 18.46 sq km and Meghalaya of 18.33 sq km. In August 2022, Assam and Arunachal Pradesh formed 12 regional committees to expedite the process of identification and early resolution of disputed areas along their borders.

Although negotiations to end these disputes are going on for several years, more focused efforts are needed to solve these issues. In this aspect, the role of the Inter-State Council may be very important. The Inter-State Council was set up under Article 263 of the Constitution of India vide Presidential Order dated 28 May 1990. The Prime Minister is the Chairman of the Council; while Chief Ministers of all the States are it is Members. Apart from them, six union cabinet ministers are nominated by the Prime Minister as Members, while four union cabinet ministers are Permanent invitees to the Council. A Standing Committee of the Inter-state Council too has been constituted, with Union Home Minister as its Chairman and the Chief Ministers of Andhra Pradesh, Assam, Bihar, Gujarat, Maharashtra, Orissa, Punjab and Uttar Pradesh as members. 

The Article 263 of the Constitution states that the Inter-State Council can inquire into and advise upon disputes which may have arisen between States, and thus it can strongly advocate for a negotiated settlement of the border dispute. The need now is to strengthen this council. In the last 16 years, only two meetings of this council have been held – one in 16 July 2016 and another in 25 November 2017. This needs to change. A more regular meeting of this Council can lead to a faster conflict resolution.  The state governments may also think of using satellite mapping of the border areas for a proper understanding of the area under dispute. These measures may surely help in moving ahead to reaching an amicable solution for the inter-state border disputes in Northeast India.

(Published on 8 December 2022)

On 4 November 2022, the Delhi Government announced closure of primary schools in the national capital. This was done because the Air Quality Index (AQI) in Delhi had reached the ‘Severe’ category. An AQI between zero and 50 is considered ‘good’, 51 and 100 ‘satisfactory’, 101 and 200 ‘moderate’, 201 and 300 ‘poor’, 301 and 400 ‘very poor’, and 401 and 500 ‘severe’. Same was the case in November 2021 too, when air pollution had reached ‘severe’ level and several large power plants around Delhi had to be shut down.

This situation in Delhi is just an example of the environmental challenges that are being faced by our country today. From air and water pollution to biodiversity loss, India is facing the severe brunt of climate change. According to the 2021 World Air Quality Report, India is home to 63 of the 100 most polluted cities. The Report states that New Delhi is the capital with the worst air quality in the world.

India has been dependent of fossil fuels for its energy needs. Every year our country contributes over 2.65 billion metric tonnes of carbon to the atmosphere. And this has made India the third-largest polluter in the World (Source: Earth.org). The main reasons for air pollution here are crop burning, vehicular emissions, smoke from cooking, industrial emissions as well as pollution via the construction and power generation sector.

Just like air, the water in the country too has become polluted. It is estimated that 70 per cent of surface water in India is unfit for consumption. This water pollution has led to the spread of several water-borne diseases like cholera, typhoid and hepatitis. Around 4 crore (40 million) Indians are affected by these diseases and around 4 lakh people lose their life because of them every year. It also causes damages to crops, and, freshwater biodiversity too is damaged. Industrial waste, which contains several toxic substances like pesticides and herbicides, oil products and heavy metals, are dumped into rivers and lakes and this has been a major contributor to water pollution in India.

It is estimated that water pollution costs the Indian government between 6.7-7.7 billion USD per year. And it has led to a 9 per cent drop in agricultural revenues as well as a 16 per cent decrease in downstream agricultural yields (Source: Earth.org).

India also stands second among the top 20 countries having a high proportion of riverine plastic emissions globally. Brahmaputra and Ganga are two rivers which carry and drain most of the plastic debris in the country.

The future impact of climate change in India has been mentioned by several reports. A 2019 Report by NITI Aayog had stated that 40 percent of India's population will have no access to drinking water by 2030. The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) has warned that India is one the countries expected to be worst hit by the impacts of climate crisis. 

Biodiversity loss is another major concern for India. The State of India’s Environment Report 2021, published by the Centre for Science and Environment (CSE) in June 2021, states that India has lost almost 90 per cent of the area under four major biodiversity hotspots in the country (the Himalayas, the Western Ghats, the Sundaland and the Indo-Burma region). Apart from this, 1212 animal species in India are currently monitored by the International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN) Red List and it has been found that 25 species within these four hotspots have become extinct in recent years.

Forest loss is another major issue in the country. According to the data from Global Forest Watch, India lost 1.93 million hectares of its tree cover between 2001 and 2020. And the top five states that accounted for the highest tree cover loss during this period were all Northeast Indian states - Assam, Mizoram, Nagaland, Arunachal Pradesh and Manipur. According to the World Wild Fund for Nature (WWF) and the Zoological Society of London (ZSL), freshwater biodiversity in India too has experienced an 84 per cent decline.

These statistics and analyses sum up the challenge and potential environmental crisis faced by our country in the near future. Urgent steps are now needed to be taken by the Central and State governments so that we do not face an apocalyptic future where our citizens have to face the wrath of nature. 

(Published on 16 November 2022)

Something inexplicable is going on in China. First there were reports of Coup and house arrest of Chinese President Xi Jinping during the last week of September 2022. And then, on 22 October 2022, during the Closing Ceremony of the 20th Communist Party Congress in China, former President Hu Jintao, who was the predecessor of Xi Jinping, was seen forcefully evicted from the Great Hall of the People in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square.

Hu Jintao was the General Secretary of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) from 2002 to 2012, President of China from 2003 to 2013, and Chairman of the Central Military Commission from 2004 to 2012. He was also a member of the CCP Politburo Standing Committee, which is China's top decision-making body, from 1992 to 2012.

Hu’s forceful ouster was something extraordinary; this is because the Communist Party Congress in China is one of the most closely choreographed events in the country. Rarely something out of protocol happens in this twice-a-decade congress. But the ouster of Hu Jintao was something which is totally inexplicable.

Let us see the sequence of events that day. It was the last day of the Congress, which had begun on 16 October. Roughly 2,000 delegates to the Congress had just cast ballots for the CCP’s prestigious Central Committee. Hu Jintao was sitting in between Xi Jinping and Li Zhanshu, who is a Politburo member of the Party. Television footage released by Channel News Asia, a Singapore-based channel, then captures an apparent argument between Hu and Li over some official papers which are kept in a red folder. Li is seen trying to snatch away the paper, while Hu is not letting it go. During the same time, Xi Jinping, who is sitting to the right of Hu Jintao, is seen giving instructions to a man who is now standing behind the three of them.

After some time, two persons wearing suits and official badges come and try to physically pull Hu Jintao out of his chair. Hu seemed totally confused at the turn of events. He gets up slowly. Li seems to half-rise from his seat and appears to try to engage in the situation but the person sitting next to him, a senior party leader Wang Huning, tugs Li back down.

Then, as Hu was about to be escorted out, he speaks with Xi Jinping for a few moments. Hu is then escorted out of the Hall by the two persons. All the other persons sitting around seemed totally unconcerned about the events, with several people looking towards the front, instead of towards Hu.

Xinhua News Agency, China's official press agency, later tweeted that, "When Hu was not feeling well during the session, his staff, for his health, accompanied him to a room next to the meeting venue for a rest. Now, he is much better." However, no one saw this Tweet in China, as Twitter is banned in China. And any search results for "Hu Jintao" on Weibo, China’s Twitter-like platform, is being heavily censored. Also this particular footage has not been telecast in China, so majority of domestic viewers in the Country do not even know that something like this has occurred.

But the question here is that why has this occurred? Why was Hu escorted out? Was it really because of his poor health? And what was in those papers? There was no clear news on what the documents were, but all the officials appeared to have similar kind of documents. A photo of one of the pages showed that it was a list of names, with the words “Central Committee” written on it. May be it was the name of people who were selected to the new Central Committee. It needs to be mentioned that the 20th Central Committee was elected on that same day, with Xi Jinping obviously being one of the members of the new Committee, while current Chinese Premier Li Keqiang and Li Zhanshu (the man who was arguing with Hu) were not a part of it.

The ouster of Hu occurred before the congressional voting on the report of the 19th Central Committee, the work report of the 19th Central Commission for Discipline Inspection and an amendment to the Party Constitution. Hu did not appear again for the voting process. After the voting was done, it was announced that all the proposals were passed unanimously with no abstentions or negative votes.

This could be a power play by Xi Jinping, who wanted to assert his dominance over the Party as well as the Nation. Ouster of Hu Jintao, his predecessor, may be a part of this power play. During several of his previous speeches, Xi was critical of the Party’s leadership before he had come to power and had said that they had weakened and diluted the powers of the Party. So this may be a show of strength by Xi, who now will lead the country for an unprecedented third term, which he was able to do through an amendment to the Constitution.

There were some events in previous party meetings which had witnessed humiliation of former leaders. In 1959, the party had formally adopted a resolution denouncing Peng Dehuai, a high-ranking military official, after he had criticized Mao Zedong’s economic policies. During the Cultural Revolution in China, many leaders, including Xi Jinping’s father were purged or publicly shamed. But those things were clearly intentional, unlike what happened with Hu Jintao.

When Hu was China’s President, he was known for his collective leadership style and consensus-based rule. Under his leadership, China was opening up to the world. But, the things seem to have reversed under Xi Jinping’s leadership. China is getting more isolated over the last few years and instead of a collective consensus-based rule, it has become a One-Man power show. And the ouster of the former President, seemingly under the instruction of the current President, shows how much power play is at stake.

We may never know what exactly happened with Hu Jintao that day, but around the World, Policymakers would surely be looking for answers. But, even if it is found, it may be an answer that might never be made public.

But regardless of what happened, it is clear that there is now only one Power Centre in China – Xi Jinping. The whole world would be watching how he steers China in this third term in power. But it is almost sure that his policies and actions would have its share in shaping Asian as well as World Politics in the coming years.

(Published on 31 October 2022)

On 15 August 1947, India awoke to “life and freedom” at “the stroke of the midnight hour”. Through the sacrifices made by our brave countrymen, we became an Independent Nation. A fledgling democracy, India began taking its baby steps towards growing into one of the vibrant and largest economies in the World.

A lot of things have changed in these 75 years. The World has changed, the Country has changed. Men have set foot on the moon; Deep Space is less a mystery; and, Internet has turned the World into a global village.

In these 75 years, India too has seen major growth in several sectors. India’s GDP has increased from 2.7 lakh crore in 1947 to 147.79 lakh crore. The Country produces five times more agriculture produce than it produced during the time of independence. Life expectancy has increased from 33 years in 1947 to 70 years. Literacy rate has increased from 12 per cent in 1947 to 74 per cent. India’s space program is now one of the best in the World.

Our Country also achieved several milestones along the way. The Green Revolution changed India's status from a food-deficient country to one of the world's leading agricultural nations. Operation Flood, which led to the White revolution, was the world's largest dairy development program, which increased India’s milk production manifold. India became a nuclear-powered nation and now is gradually becoming self-sufficient in defence production. In 2008, India created a world record by sending 10 satellites into orbit in a single mission with PSLV-C9. With Mangalyaan, India became the first country to reach Mars on its very first attempt. India's startup ecosystem has achieved a milestone of 100 Unicorns and India has been declared the third-largest startup ecosystem in the world after the US and China.

To commemorate 75 years of independence and the glorious history of its people, culture and achievements, the Government of India started an initiative called the Azadi Ka Amrit Mahotsav on 12 March 2021. It is a 75-week celebration of our 75th year of independence which will end of 15 August 2023.

The Government has also launched a campaign, titled ‘Har Ghar Tiranga’, through which it has appealed to every citizen of India to display the National Flag at their home from 13 August to 15 August. For this very purpose, The Flag Code of India was amended by the Government to make the National Flag accessible to all the Indians. After the amendments, every citizen is now allowed to hoist the flag at home day and night.

India has grown a lot over the last 75 years. However, it is not that everything is going great in the Country. There are still challenges to overcome. Unemployment, income disparity, lack of access to education and healthcare – these are some issues that are still to be addressed. Spread of fake and unverified news, leading to violence, is another issue which has grown during the last few years and this is another area where the Government has to focus on.

India is now recognized as a potential Super-Power. After 25 years, we would be a 100 year old democracy. The Government should now focus and plan for the next 25 years, so that we can grow into a Shashakt, Viksit and Sabal Bharat (Strong, Developed and Empowered India).

(Published on 12 August 2022)

Like every year, Assam is once again facing the fury of the floods. More than 150 persons have died and around 4.5 million people in 30 districts of the State have been affected by the floods this year. Reportedly, over 2 Lakh people are now living in 600 relief camps around the State.

Around 31.05 Lakh hectares of land area is prone to floods in Assam. This constitutes about 40 per cent of the total land area of the State. In comparison, only 10 per cent land area of India is flood prone. Thus, percentage-wise, Assam has four times more area which is flood prone as compared to the country. During major floods, area affected can be almost 50 per cent of Assam’s total area. Also, since 1954, a total of 4.27 Lakh hectare land area have been eroded in Assam.

Assam’s unique topography and climate as well as several man-made factors contribute to the floods. This includes Heavy Rainfall, High Silt Load, Encroachment of Riverine Areas, Steep Slope, Inadequate Drainage, Deforestation/Watershed Degradation, Obstruction at tributaries’ confluence with River Brahmaputra and Loss/destruction of wetlands.

In 1954, after the country had faced unprecedented floods, the Indian Government had announced a National Policy on Floods. It comprised of three types of measures: Immediate; Short Term; and, Long Term. However, till date no long-term measures have been implemented in Assam to mitigate the flood and erosion problems of the state. This very fact is also mentioned in the Website of the Water Resources Department of the Assam Government.

The Water Resources Department has undertaken several immediate and short-term measures to mitigate the flood problem but these have not stopped the floodwaters from wrecking havoc across the state every year.

What is needed now is the formulation and implementation of long-term measures to solve the problem of floods. This includes measures like creation of storage reservoirs on rivers and their tributaries with dedicated/specific flood cushion by reducing the flood peaks and levels, integrated reservoir operation, interlinking of rivers, among others.

The Parliamentary Standing Committee on Water Resources, in one if its Reports submitted in August 2021, writes about the needs for these measures but also mentions that “these measures have many constraints such as topographic, geological, geographical, environmental, submergence, inter-state & international issues.”

Therefore, the Committee had suggested that for integrated use of water resources, there is a need to move from the conventional, fragmented and localized approach to a comprehensive river basin approach. In order to provide coordinated river basin development including comprehensive flood control, it is necessary to set up River Basin Organizations (RBOs), which would effectively provide immediate, short-term and long-term solutions in addition to the overall development of river basin.

Flood Plain Zoning is one of the ways to control floods. It has been recognized as an effective non-structural measure for flood management. It aims at demarcating zones or areas likely to be affected by floods and specify the types of permissible developments in these zones, so that whenever floods actually occur, the damage can be minimized. The action for demarcation of flood plain areas and regulating the activities therein has to be undertaken by respective state governments.

This is, however, yet to be done in Assam. This needs to be done at the earliest, while also formulating a suitable compensatory mechanism and finding alternative land site to rehabilitate those who will be displaced/negatively affected by the flood plain zoning measures.

Apart from this, there is the need to develop a flood forecasting model for monitoring release and real-time flow of waters in the river, set up modern weather stations in upstream catchment of all Dams in the Northeast, install sirens on river banks from Dam site so as to alert downstream population in the event of floods, judicious release of water from the Dams to ensure natural low water level of the river, periodic desiltation and flushing of reservoirs and afforestation and rejuvenation of wetlands.

Also, it has been seen that hydroelectric power projects in Arunachal Pradesh have been constructed without any plan to combat flooding in Assam. As such, Ministry of Jal Shakti needs to take up this matter with Ministry of Power and Government of Arunachal Pradesh so as to find a mutual and amicable solution to this problem.

The initiative of the Government to create the North East Water Management Authority (NEWMA) too should be fast tracked. The body is meant to facilitate integrated management of water resources for whole of the northeastern region including Sikkim and Brahmaputra Basin area of West Bengal. It will help in integrated development of all water bodies and river-based projects in the region and take care of conservation of its natural resources.

(Published on 7 July 2022)

Northeast India is a colourful mosaic of different indigenous tribal groups of Australoid, Mongoloid and Caucasoid origins. All these tribes have their own distinct culture, traditions, languages, cuisines, attires and lifestyles. The region is the home to more than 166 separate tribes.

However, it is not that these tribal populations have been living in this region since time immemorial. In fact, there are many tribes who have travelled from far across regions and settled in this region. These groups have, over the course of time, assimilated with the local population. But even then, they have held on to their traditional customs and beliefs.  

One such tribe is the Tai Khamyang (or Khamjang). They originally belong to an area called ‘Khamjang’ which lies in the present Kachin state of Myanmar. The term ‘Khamyang’ is a Tai word which means ‘people having gold' (‘kham’ meaning ‘gold’ and ‘yang’ meaning ‘to have’).

The Tai-Khamyangs resided along the banks of the river Kopdub in Khamjang. The Kopdub River was said to have plenty of gold in the form of sand. And, hence, the Khamyangs were known as ‘the people having gold’.

Khamyangs were driven away from their abode by Sui-Khan-Pha of the Mong-Mao-Lung Kingdom and they took refuge in Assam by crossing the Patkai hills. Initially, Khamyangs had bitter relation with another Tai tribe, the Khamtis, but gradually the relationship developed and the Khamyangs established villages in Tengapani area in present day Arunachal Pradesh around 1780 AD.

In 1798, the Khamyangs, under the leadership of Chownoi Kangkham Thaomueang, went to Jorhat and requested Ahom King Gaurinath Singha for settlement. The king established them on the bank of Dhali River near Titabar town of Jorhat. As the Tai Khamyang chief Chownoi Kangkham Thaomueang belonged to the Thao-mueang or Gohain clan (which was a status or rank introduced by the Ahoms), so the king awarded him the 'Bosa-Rajkhowa' title.

During the British rule, heavy tax was imposed on the land belonging to the Khamyang people. Fearful of the heavy taxation, they fled to Era gaon (near present Balijan village of Titabar town) in 1829 and settled there. But a great plague broke out in the village and claimed a number of lives. In 1865, people deserted the Era gaon and re-established a village called Pani-Nara Gaon (Man Tai Man Nam). In 1885, a few people of their tribe had fled to various places in Golaghat and Sibsagar districts of Assam. The remaining people founded a new village called Khamjang Nara Gaon (the present Na-Shyam village) and during 1885-90 it fragmented into three villages 'Na-Shyam gaon, Balijan gaon and Betbari gaon'. The Na-Shyam village was established in 1886 and it is now so called the ancestral village of the Tai-Khamyang community.

Currently, the Tai Khamyangs are found in villages of four districts of Assam, namely, Jorhat, Sibsagar, Tinsukia and Golaghat, along with two districts of Arunachal Pradesh - Namsai and Changlang. The population of Tai Khamyangs in Northeast India is about 7000.

Art and Culture

Culturally, the Khamyangs are rich with a variety of chorus or choral songs and dances. Hoom mo, the traditional chorus song, ka mai, ka chong and kaluk yung – are all dance forms of the Tai Khamyangs. Other dance forms of Khamyangs are the ka mai, a lightning dance, ka chong, umbrella dance and ka luk yung, the peacock dance.

Traditional musical instruments include the kong (flute), which is still used in Myanmar, Thailand, Cambodia, Laos, China and Vietnam. Some of the musical instruments used in temple include Jamong (a round shaped flat metal object), kongpaat (a big drum made of wood), paicheng (a pair of two small flat object made of metal). These three musical objects are played simultaneously in events like fair or in festivals like poipung. Kechi (a triangle shaped flat metal object) is generally used in the temple to make some important announcements to the village folk. When kechi is beaten rhythmically, the community rush immediately to the temple. The playing of Kechi signifies that the temple authority wants to communicate some significant message to the community.

The Khamyang people observe a number of festivals with socio-economic and religious significance. Sanken is observed in the middle of April and at the beginning of the local year. The festival coincides with the Bohag Bihu of the Assamese. Maiko Chumfai or Falgooni Purnima is observed by taking newly harvested rice.

Putwah (Srabana Purnima) is held in the month of September-October on the full-moon day of the month of Aswin or Kartik. It is observed at the end of the rainy season which coincides with the end of the Wah or Varasabrata period, that is, the meditation period during the rainy season. Vaisakhi Purnima is observed on the day when Lord Buddha was born and attained Nirvana.

Folklore and Myth

The ‘Lake of No Return’ or ‘Bermuda triangle of India’ is a part of the folklore of the Khamyang people, as this place fell on their route of migration. There are many stories and myths associated with the ‘Lake of No Return’, which is situated along the India-Myanmar border near the Pangsau Pass (Changlang district of Arunachal Pradesh is the nearest India territory). In one story it has been told that a group of Japanese soldiers returning from battle lost their way and arrived at the lake. There they suffered from malaria and died. In another story, it is said that the US soldiers working on the Ledo Road near the lake were sent to examine the lake but got trapped there by the undergrowth plants and were lost forever. Another story tells that a group of British troops in 1942 sank into the deep of the quick sand and could not survive.

But the oral tradition of the Khamyang people has a different and interesting folklore to it. According to them, it is said that once there was a village that was settled near the lake and villagers lived off on the fishes from the lake. But one day, the villagers caught a strange and massive fish which was never seen or caught before. Rejoicing over the big catch, the whole village feasted on the fish with merry making as a celebration but left an old woman and her granddaughter uninvited. That night, the spirit of the lake appeared to the two and told them to run for their lives. The older woman and the granddaughter left the village immediately to the jungle. As they fled the village, the old woman inserted her fresh bamboo staff upside down near the lake. Soon after they left, the whole village was submerged under the lake, but strangely, the bamboo staff which was inserted upside down grew in the same spot. It is said that you can still see the strange bamboo growing from the joints upside down and this type of bamboo can be found only in lake’s surrounding.

In another similar story it is said that long time ago there was a small lake close to the present day ‘Lake of No Return’. Once the villagers decided to feast on the fish from the lake, and accordingly they caught all the fish from the lake. Incidentally, there was 3 fish there who were the children of the Rain God. The night before the villagers caught fish there, the Rain God came in the dream of the village elder and told him about his children in the lake. The next morning, the old man told the villagers about the dream he had on the previous night but they ignored the warning, and went ahead to catch all the fish from there, and had a feast that night. The old man left the village in the darkness of the night, and moved to the neighbouring village.

The Rain God was angry with the villagers, and decided to destroy the village. That night, after the feast, soon after the old man left, there was an earthquake. Next morning when he returned to see what happened to the village, he saw a huge water body in place of the village. The old man narrated the story of fishing and the Rain God. The locals still believe that there is a gigantic serpent in the lake which swallows everything. Legend also talks about a great flood in the mountains when the serpent will move out of the lake, and will move to the ocean. This will clear the lake from its curse.

With the lake’s mysterious and yet picturesque setting, surrounded by myths and legends, it has become a leading tourist destination in the area, with tourists from both India and Myanmar visiting the place.

Language

As said by Aristotle, “Man is a rational animal and that what sets him apart, what raises him above the animals, is that he has the ability to reason, and it is very clear that he cannot reason without language.” Language serves as flesh and blood of human culture; it gives identity to a society a man is born into. Language is not composed of only verbal communication; it also entails written communication as well. And this form of language helps a society find its ethnic linkages with the help of manuscripts, folktales, music, fables, etc.

Language played a vital role in pre-historic times in forming linkages across borders. It was affinities between languages that facilitated the propagation of religious literature like Ramayana from India to Southeast Asia. Though, migration of people from one place to another divides the tribes on geographical ground but they are always united on grounds of language and culture. It is evident from the fact that although many tribes of Southeast Asia migrated from the other side of Patkai hills to Northeast India, their roots can be traced back to their places of origin based on their language family and culture. The Tai tribes, the Nagas, the Mizos, the tribes of Arunachal Pradesh have their roots in Southeast Asia, which can be ascertained based on their language affinity and shared culture.

The Khamyang language is classified with the Northwestern sub-grouping of the Southwestern Tai languages in the Tai-Kadai language family. Though the Tai Khamyang population in Northeast India is about 7000, only a small section of people (around 50 persons) can speak the traditional Tai-Khamyang language.

As per the EGIDS Scale, a tool that is used to measure the status of a language in terms of endangerment or development, the Tai Khamyang language is Nearly Extinct. This means that only remaining users of the language are the members of the grandparent generation or older, who have little opportunity to use the language.

This also means that it is too late to revive inter-generational transmission through home. There is the need to develop a language mechanism outside the structure of home in order to preserve and increase the usage of the Tai Khamyang language.

Some such measures may include:

(a) Language Nest

Language Nest, originating in New Zealand in 1982, is an immersion based approach to revitalize the endangered languages. In a language nest, older speakers of the language, also known as the ‘Language Mentors’ take part in early childhood education with a view to improving inter-generational language transference in a natural setting. This can increase the speaking of Tai Khamyang language among the younger generation of the community.

(b) Language Engineering

With the help of language engineering, we can generate the speech of Endangered Language by a machine. Language Translator is another application of Language Engineering. It is a machine which is able to translate one language to another. As it helps in translating a language, younger generations can learn the Tai Khamyang on their own by translating their spoken language to their indigenous language.

Digitization of Endangered Language with the help of Language Engineering will help in documenting the language in a digital format which will make an appeal to the younger generation to learn their endangered aboriginal language and thus protect it from getting extinct.

(c) Popular culture

Popular culture too can play a major role in reviving endangered languages. The Galo tribe of Arunachal Pradesh has adopted the measure of translating popular movies like Finding Nemo, Ice Age 2, into Galo language (Nimo No Yoolo? and Tapam Mooko) respectively. These films were distributed and viewed widely, both in the Galo community and among other language groups.  If such innovative steps are taken for the Tai Khamynag language, it will prove as pure success in preserving this endangered language. Translating popular movies into Tai Khamyang will enable the younger generations to learn the language with active participation and interest.

(d) Language Apps for Smart Phones and Tablets

In today’s technology driven world, where almost everyone owns a smart phone and installs multiple apps, Language Apps like Duolingo, Babbel, Bussu are doing wonders in teaching languages like Spanish, French, etc. with innovative games and creative User Interface (UI), which makes learning a fun activity. Hence, if an App on Tai Khamyang language is built, it will play a major role in teaching the younger generation their language. With features like transcription, text-to-speech translation, pronunciation and spelling, a language app will definitely help in preserving the language.

(e) Promotion of the Language through Audio-Visual Medium

Documentaries, short feature films, etc, may be made on the Tai Khamyang tribe so that their art, culture as well as their language are well promoted. This will help in preservation efforts for their language as well as facilitate technical expertise for scientific ways to preserve and promote the language.

Language is not a mere mode of communication but rather a tool to build relationship and this relationship of language helps one to track its roots in terms of geographical and language affinities. In spite of being a cultural identity marker, language gets succumbed to changes over the years and in some extreme cases, due to evolution of society or impact of modernization, an ethnic language sees a decline to the extent of getting extinct or on the verge of getting extinct.

This is what has happened with the Tai Khamyang language. On the brink of getting extinct, this language needs a push in term of promotion and preservation efforts. On our part, we should make efforts to help this language survive in whatever capacity we can, so that this language can once again grow and flourish.

(Published on 8 May 2022)

The tea industry plays an important role in the economy of Assam. The tea plantations in the State account for the employment of two-thirds of the industrial labour and contribute nearly 43 per cent of the net income of Assam’s industrial sector. Being a labour-oriented enterprise, the tea industry requires labour at every stage of its work right from clearance of jungle, making the land suitable for plantation, working for the nursery, giving manure both in the nursery and in the plantation area, spraying of pesticides, drain laying, path making, plucking, manufacturing and then finally dispatching it to different destinations.

The plantation labourers in the Tea industry belong to the Adivasi community and are locally known as Tea Tribes. At present, there are about 800 registered tea gardens in Assam as well as another 71,745 small tea estates. There are 4,04,423 permanent workers and 3,48,770 contractual labourers in the registered tea gardens. In the small tea estates, there are 3,08,026 workers. It is estimated that more than 50 per cent of the workers are women. (Data presented in the Assam Legislative Assembly)

The total area under cultivation in Assam accounts for more than half of the country’s total area under tea. Also, Assam produces more than half of the tea produced in India.

The tea industry in Assam also provides average daily employment to more than 6.8 lakh persons in the state, which is 50 per cent of the total average daily number of employed labour (on an average of 11.1 lakh labour employed per day) in the country.

Even though the tea industry is one of the oldest industries in India, the socio-economic condition of the tea tribe community is still not satisfactory. The Assam Human Development Report 2014 (published by the Assam Government and the United Nations Development Programme – UNDP) shows that even though the literacy rate is 78.85 per cent in the tea garden areas, only 5.9 per cent of the population has studied beyond higher secondary level.

The Assam Human Development Report also shows that the school dropout rate in the tea garden areas is quite high at 70.20 per cent. The major reasons stated for dropping out of school were lack of interest in studies, need to support earning, and staying at home to look after their younger siblings.

A research study titled ‘Role of Tea Industry in Rural Development of Assam: Issues and Challenges in respect of Human Resources’ by Archana Bhattacharjee and Lakhya Pratim Nirmolia, Assistant Professors of Kakojan College, Jorhat, Assam, states that many tea garden labourers are reluctant to send their children to even a primary school as they are totally unaware of the importance of education. They prefer to keep their children at home to look after their young siblings while they go out to work in the garden or to engage them as casual labourer in the Tea Garden. The study also found that most of the workers are unskilled, except a handful, who works in the tea processing factories. Another study that analyzed the occupational pattern of the out-of-school children of the Tea Garden workers found that 60 per cent of the out-of-school children are not engaged in any specific work.

Unemployment rate too is found to be higher in the tea garden areas at 15.3 per cent, which is highest among the geographical diversities mentioned in the Assam Human Development Report 2014.

Both the government and the tea industry have taken up numerous initiatives for improving the socio-economic condition of the tea tribe community. This include steps to improve the level of education, improving access to healthcare, providing better housing and drinking water facilities, providing scholarships for education, among others. Steps have also been taken to impart skill-based training to the youths of the tea tribe community by establishing specialized training centres.

In Assam, the nodal agency for implementation of welfare schemes for the tea tribe community is the Directorate for Welfare of Tea and Ex-Tea Garden Tribes. Other agencies involved in the welfare of the tea tribe community include the Assam Tea Employees’ Welfare Board (ATEWB) and Assam Tea Employees’ Provident Fund Organization (ATEPFO). The Tea Board of India too has various development schemes for welfare of the tea tribe community.

Apart from these schemes, several centrally sponsored government schemes are running in the tea garden areas. This includes schemes like Sarva Shiksha Abhiyaan (SSA), Integrated Child Protection Scheme (ICPS), Integrated Child Development Service (ICDS), Pradhan Mantri Awas Yojana – Gramin (PMAY-G), among others.

The tea industry in Assam too has been taking numerous initiatives for the welfare of the tea tribe community. For example, the Assam Branch of Indian Tea Association (ABITA) undertakes many projects for the tea tribe community, which includes financial assistance in building or extension of schools and colleges, construction of Sports Stadiums and Cultural Complexes. McLeod Russel Limited provides free Primary Education to its employees’ children through the 149 schools that it constructed and maintains across 53 tea gardens in Assam and West Bengal.

The Amalgamated Plantations Private Limited (APPL) has established two centres for providing skill-based education to the youths. APPL also organizes cultivation trainings for women farmers to train them on the importance of low yielding crops, the kind of revenue it can fetch after 4-5 years of planting, and how it can yield a steady form of income without disrupting other regular farming activities.

However, the awareness about these types of CSR activities done by the tea industry is very low among the tea tribe community.

These initiatives taken up by the government as well as the tea industry shows how serious the authorities are in improving the overall socio-economic condition of the tea tribe community. And one issue which is gradually coming into focus is skill development. In order to lower the rate of unemployment, the penetration of skill-based education has to increase among the tea tribe youth.

Also, the tea tribe youths need to look for employment avenues beyond the tea gardens. This has become all the more relevant in light of the findings of a study titled, “Impact of future climate on tea growing regions of Assam”, done by Tea Research Association (TRA), which states that climate change will make many tea-growing areas in Assam to become unsuitable for tea cultivation by 2050.

This would mean further loss of employment avenues for the tea tribe community, who are mostly dependent on the tea industry for their livelihood. And for looking beyond the tea industry, the youths of the tea tribe community has to look for skill-based education.

Presently, there is a lack of awareness in the tea garden areas on the need for skilling as well as about the various skill development schemes of the government. Therefore, awareness should be taken up in mission mode and activated at each of the tea gardens in the state. Different communication mechanisms may be adopted for this. For example, the Assam Skill Development Mission can organize advertisement campaigns through electronic as well as print medium. They can print brochures explaining the various skill development schemes of the government. Workshops too may be organized for the same. Support from local NGOs may be sought in this regard. The tea garden management may lend their support to such a campaign by facilitating the organization of such awareness campaigns in their respective tea garden areas.

Skill-based education may be imparted in the tea garden schools which will make these children employment-ready from a young age. It may be made part of the formal school curriculum, so that the students learn the necessary skills by the time they complete their schooling. The Government would have to play an important role in this regard. Teachers for specific trades and skills have to trained and appointed in these schools. Necessary equipment for skill-driven courses too has to be provided to these schools.

Mobile Training Institutions in the form of mobile vans or buses may be used for training people in the tea garden areas of the state or for those who are unable to leave their homes for training. This will increase the level of skill training in the tea garden areas and thereby encourage the tea garden youths, especially girls, to take up training for specific skills and earn a living.

With the Government, both at the Centre and State, increasing its efforts towards skilling the population, the tea tribe community too should embrace this opportunity. They should come forward and learn new skills and become self-reliant. This will help improve their socio-economic condition and make the community stronger.  

 (Published on 8 April 2022)

1. Introduction

Women are an integral part of every society. A woman is entitled to live with dignity and without any kind of fear. Empowering women is also an indispensable tool for advancing development and reducing poverty. Empowered women contribute to the health and productivity of the family as well as the community. The importance of gender equality and women empowerment is underscored by that fact that it is included as one of the seventeen Sustainable Development Goals (SDG) adopted by all United Nations Member States. Gender equality is achieved when women and men enjoy the same opportunities, outcomes, rights and obligations in all spheres of life. Equality exists when both the sexes are able to share the distribution of power and influence equally and get equal opportunities for financial independence either through jobs or business. This also means that both men and women enjoy equal access to education and the opportunity to develop their personal ambitions. 

A critical aspect of promoting gender equality is the empowerment of women. This can be done by giving the women more autonomy to manage their own lives. Development projects and reproductive health programmes are also more effective when they address the educational opportunities, status and empowerment of women. When women are empowered, whole families benefit and these benefits are passed on to future generations.

Women Empowerment as a concept was first introduced at the International Women’s Conference at Nairobi in 1985. The conference defined ‘empowerment’ as a redistribution of social, power and control of resource in favour of women. Women empowerment is now a global issue and discussions on women’s right are at the forefront of many formal information campaigns worldwide. Empowerment has become one of the most widely used developmental terms.

However, Gender inequalities are still deep-rooted in every society. Women suffer from lack of access to decent work and face occupational segregation and gender wage gaps. In many places, they are denied access to basic education and health care and are victims of violence and discrimination. They are still under-represented in political and economic decision-making processes. Hence, greater efforts are needed to be made both by the government as well as the non-government sector to achieve gender equality and bring about women empowerment in the true sense.

2. Central and State Government Initiatives for Women Empowerment

The principle of gender equality is enshrined in the Indian Constitution. It not only grants equality to women, but also empowers the government to adopt measures for welfare and development of its female citizens. Numerous schemes and policies have been formulated and adopted by the Central and various state governments for this purpose. The Government also set up the National Commission for Women through an Act of Parliament in 1990 to safeguard the rights and legal entitlements of women. Through the 73rd and 74th Amendments to the Constitution, reservation of seats for women have been provided in the local bodies, like Panchayats and Municipalities, to ensure their participation in decision making at the local levels. India has also ratified various international conventions committed to secure equal rights for women, like the Convention on Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW).

The Government of India and the state government of Assam have also formulated various policies and schemes for empowering women. Some of these are discussed below:

2.1. National Policy for Empowerment of Women

Government of India adopted the National Policy for Empowerment of Women on 20 March 2001 with the objective to bring about advancement, development and empowerment of women and to eliminate all forms of discrimination against women. With changing socio-political dynamics, a need was felt for updating the earlier policy and formulation of a new policy. Hence, the government came up with a new draft of the Policy, titled “National Policy for Women 2016: Articulating a Vision for Empowerment of Women”. The Policy aims to create an enabling environment for women through focus on housing, shelter and infrastructure, drinking water and sanitation, media and culture, sports and social security.

2.2. Beti Bachao Beti Padhao Scheme

The Government of India launched the Beti Bachao, Beti Padhao (BBBP) scheme in January 2015 to address the issue of decline in Child Sex Ratio (CSR) in the country. The initiative has two major components – (i) Mass Communication Campaign, and (ii) Multi-sectoral action in 100 selected districts with adverse CSR, covering all States and Union Territories.

2.3. Mahila Shakti Kendra Scheme

Mahila Shakti Kendra (MSK) Scheme, under Ministry of Women and Child Development, was approved by the Indian government in November 2017 as a centrally sponsored scheme. The aim of the scheme is to empower rural women through community participation. Under the Scheme, Capacity Building of women collectives is envisaged to address the livelihood needs of the women, particularly those in remote/vulnerable areas where women are not in a position to move out from their immediate surroundings for formal skill training.

2.4. Kanaklata Mahila Sabalikaran Achoni

The Assam Government launched a scheme called ‘Kanaklata Mahila Sabalikaran Achoni’ in April 2018 to boost women’s empowerment in the State. It was formally launched by then Assam Chief Minister Sarbananda Sonowal on 1 April 2018. It is a flagship scheme conceived by the state government to pave way for generating avenues for sustainable livelihood for the women of Assam. It aims to reduce the level of poverty by creating awareness, social mobilization and organizing the rural poor women into SHGs.

The Scheme relies on three major principles for poverty reduction: Self-Help, Mutual Benefit and Self Reliance. The Scheme encourages members of women SHGs to take up micro industries for economic upliftment and get a better life. It also encourages investment in income generating. The Scheme is expected to enhance mobilization of credit from bank to Women SHGs for greater investment in income generating activities.

Some other women empowerment schemes are:

• Ujjawala: A Comprehensive Scheme for Prevention of trafficking and Rescue, Rehabilitation and Re-integration of Victims of Trafficking and Commercial Sexual Exploitation

• Women Helpline Scheme

• Swadhar Greh (A Scheme for Women in Difficult Circumstances)

• Mahila E-Haat

• Nirbhaya Scheme

3. Female Literacy: The Assam Scenario

Education is one of the most important means of empowering women through which they can gain knowledge, skills and self-confidence necessary to participate fully in the development process. However, even though education is a basic human right, yet persistent inequalities in education cripples the lives of millions of women and girls worldwide. This is evident from some of the startling facts and statistics mentioned by UNESCO (United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization):

• Girls are more likely to never enter primary school than boys.

• Less than 40 per cent of countries provide girls and boys with equal access to education. Only 39 per cent of countries have equal proportions of boys and girls enrolled in secondary education.

• 54 million of the 76 million illiterate young women live in only 9 countries:

• Despite all international and national efforts, over half of children out of school are girls. 31 million girls are still out of school around the world.

• Of the world’s 774 million illiterate adults, two-thirds are women. Among the world’s 123 million illiterate youth, 76 million are female.

If we have a look at the literacy rate among men and women in India and Assam from 1991 to 2011, it can be seen that though the literacy rate among women is increasing over the last few decades, it still lags behind the male literacy rate.

The Male Literacy Rate in India in 2011, 2001 and 1991 was 82.1 %, 75.3% and 64.1 %, respectively. The Female Literacy Rate in 2011, 2001 and 1991 was 65.5 %, 53.7 % and 39.3 %, respectively.

In case of Assam, Male Literacy Rate in 2011, 2001 and 1991 was 77.8 %, 71.3% and 61.9 %, respectively. The Female Literacy Rate in Assam in 2011, 2001 and 1991 was 66.3 %, 54.6 % and 43.0 %, respectively.

However, in the same time period female literacy rate in Assam has been consistently ahead of the national female literacy rate.

Higher literacy among women leads to better hygiene and improved nutrition practices. This also leads to better health status for the woman and lowers infant mortality as well. Literacy also helps prevent early marriage among girls and enables women to take decision on their family size.  Better health status of women makes them more productive worker both at home and outside, leading a way to their equality and empowerment.

Also, the Infant Mortality Rate (IMR) in India as well as Assam is gradually falling down over the years. And, it can be observed that this has happened as the literacy rate among women has grown up. Thus, these figures reflect the fact that increasing literacy among women leads to lower infant mortality.

Literacy is critical in enhancing women’s economic choices as well, by way of improved access to employment. It leads to better economic opportunities and, in turn, better income levels, which leads to equality and empowerment of women. Increased access to education places women on an equal footing with men in decision-making positions in economic and political fields. Empowerment of women through education also leads to their greater participation in government and community institutions.

4. Women Entrepreneurs in Assam

Entrepreneurship plays an important role in developing and contributing to the economy of a country. Entrepreneurship development can also be considered as a possible approach for social and economic empowerment of women.

Indian women have taken many strides towards entrepreneurship over the last few decades. According to the Sixth Economic Census (released in 2018), women constitute around 14 per cent of the total entrepreneurs i.e. 8.05 million out of the total 58.5 million entrepreneurs in India.

Although earlier researches on women entrepreneurs have suggested that significant differences existed between female and male entrepreneurs; however, more recent studies have shown that there are far more similarities than differences between women and men entrepreneurs in terms of psychological and demographic characteristics. A series of researches have also shown that the workforce of women-owned businesses tend to be more gender balanced than the workforce of men-owned businesses.

There has been considerable growth of women entrepreneurs in Assam too. They are working in various sectors like Information Technology, Tourism, Handloom & Textiles, Food Processing, etc. Now, with the central government giving top priority to the northeastern region under its Act East Policy, the women from Assam can further reap economic benefits by engaging in trade and business activities.

In January 2018, Assam also witnessed its first Women Entrepreneurs' Conclave. The conclave addressed issues and challenges in entrepreneurship, scaling up of innovative business ideas and documenting profiles of women entrepreneurs of Assam. The event was sponsored by the Department of Industries and Commerce, Government of Assam, and implemented by the Indian Institute of Entrepreneurship (IIE), an autonomous organization under the Ministry of Skill Development and Entrepreneurship, Government of India.

Another leading example of women entrepreneurship in Assam are the Self Help Groups (SHG). SHGs have empowered women in the state by fulfilling the four basic criteria for empowerment - knowledge, finance, power, opportunity. It has been accepted through several studies that SHGs are an effective instrument to empower women socially and economically, which ultimately contributes to the overall development of a country. In fact, SHGs are a viable alternative to achieve the objectives of rural development; which will further aid in achieving the Sustainable Development Goals (SDG).

However, there are still several challenges faced by women entrepreneurs in Assam. Among these, the major challenges are:

• Lack of financial resources to start or run a business

• Lack of support from family members

• Lack of proper skill development and entrepreneurial training

• Lack of knowledge of marketing of products/service

• Lack of adequate infrastructure (space, communication facilities, equipment, etc.) 

5. Conclusion

No country in this world has been able to fully achieve gender equality. Scandinavian countries like Iceland, Norway, Finland and Sweden lead the world in their progress toward closing the gender gap. In these countries, there is relatively equitable distribution of available income, resources, and opportunities for men and women. However, this is yet to happened in most of the countries around the world. India too is making efforts to empower its women and usher in gender equality. The various schemes and initiatives taken the central as well as state governments are a testimony to this. The non-government sector too is making efforts for empowering women. Educating the women, providing them access to proper healthcare and employment opportunities should continue to be a major focus. The media too can play a constructive role in this matter. Thus, a concerted effort needs to be taken by all the stakeholders involved so as to make gender equality a reality and empower women of our state and country.

 (Published on 15 February 2022)

On the second week of this new year (January 2022), news reports emerged about China constructing at least six settlements along its disputed border with Bhutan. The satellite images put out by news agency Reuters showed that more than 200 structures, including two-storey buildings, were under construction at these six locations. All these settlements appear to be in the territory disputed by China and Bhutan, including a contested tract of roughly 110 square kilometres. It needs to be mentioned here that like the India-China border, the entire 477 km Bhutan-China border is also disputed.

While India and China are still holding talks to resolve their border disputes, these constructions by Beijing in Bhutan would be another cause of concern for the Indian government. There would always be the fear that China may use these settlements to establish military installations in the future.

China has, in fact, been trying to step up its territorial claims in India and Bhutan during the last few years. In December 2021, China’s Ministry of Civil Affairs had issued names for 15 places in Arunachal Pradesh to be used on official Chinese maps. China had also done the same in April 2017. Arunachal Pradesh is shown on Chinese maps as “Zangnan” or “South Tibet”, and in 2017, Beijing had issued six official names for places there. The Doklam conflict of 2017 is another example of Chinese transgressions into the region.

Another point of concern is a new Chinese border law that have come into effect from 1 January 2022. The law was proposed in March 2021 and was seen as an attempt to legitimise the Chinese military’s transgressions in Eastern Ladakh. The Law calls for various Chinese civilian and military agencies to take steps to safeguard Chinese territory. The formulation of this Law has coincided with the Chinese plans to bolster its control along disputed areas by constructing villages and civilian settlements in those areas.

In January 2021, it was reported that China constructed a new village in Arunachal Pradesh, consisting of about 101 homes. The construction was done approximately 4.5 kms from the de facto border within the Indian Territory. The village, located on the banks of the Tsari Chu River, lies in the Upper Subansiri district, an area which has been long disputed by India and China and has been marked by armed conflict. Construction of this village appears to be a violation of multiple agreements between India and China. One of such clauses is that ''Pending an ultimate settlement of the boundary question, the two sides should strictly respect and observe the line of actual control and work together to maintain peace and tranquillity in the border areas.'' The construction of a village beyond the Line of Actual Control (LAC) surely violates this clause.

While the Indian government is keeping a close watch in this region, China claims that it has done the construction within their own territory. According to Chinese analysts, this construction has been done as a part of a programme of the Chinese government, which aims to build what it terms as “poverty alleviation” villages. Launched after a Tibet Economic Work Conference in 2015, around 600 villages have been built in China, of which around 100 are in the border areas. People from other parts of Tibet, including families of herders, have been moved to some of these new villages, to occupy the newly built houses.

Another incident of Chinese interference within Indian Territory was witnessed in September 2020. It was alleged that five men were abducted by Chinese troops from Upper Subansiri district of Arunachal Pradesh. These men, who had gone hunting, were allegedly whisked away by the Chinese troops from Sera-7, an Army patrol zone located around 12 km further north of Nacho in Upper Subansiri district. Initially, the Chinese side said that they did not have any information on the incident. Finally, after discussions between the two sides, these five youths were handed over to the Indian Army after completion of necessary formalities on 12 September. This is just one of the many incidents, when locals from Arunachal Pradesh have been detained by the Chinese troops, as they feel these persons have crossed into Chinese territory, even though India considers it as part of Arunachal Pradesh.

Also, in 2017, when the Dalai Lama went to Arunachal Pradesh for a nine-day visit, China warned that it would cause serious damage to the ties between the two nations. It also said that this visit will have negative impact on the settlement of the border dispute. While considering Arunachal Pradesh to be a disputed territory, China is also sensitive to the Dalai Lama’s visit to Tawang region in Arunachal Pradesh, which happens to be the birthplace of the sixth Dalai Lama (in 1683) and is at the centre of Tibetan Buddhism. The renaming of places in Arunachal Pradesh in 2017 by China was seen as a kind of reaction to Dalai Lama’s visit to the State.

The issue of Chinese transgression has also been discussed several times in the Indian Parliament. Between 1995 and 2020, a total of 89 questions have been asked in the Rajya Sabha on transgression by China inside Indian Territory. Of these, 16 questions were related to transgression by China into Arunachal Pradesh and the non-recognition of Arunachal Pradesh as part of India by China. In the Lok Sabha, 63 questions have been asked on the same issue between 1999 and 2020. Among these, 6 questions asked about the issue of Chinese troops crossing into Indian Territory in Arunachal Pradesh.

The Indian government’s response to most of these questions state that there is no commonly delineated LAC in the border areas between India and China and there are areas along the LAC where both sides have differing perception of LAC. The replies also state that due to both sides undertaking patrolling based on their respective perception of the LAC, transgressions do occur.

As per a reply given to a question in Lok Sabha, there have been 663 incidents of Chinese transgression in India in 2019; while there were 404 incidents in 2018, 426 incidents in 2017 and 273 incidents in 2016. These incidents of transgressions and occasional skirmishes and conflicts at the border have been negatively impacting Indo-China relations.

However, even after these, the relations between India and China appear to be on the right trajectory. The trade between these two countries is burgeoning, and in November 2021, trade volume between India and China hit a record high of USD 100 billion. Both India and China are now working closely on numerous issues like counter-terrorism, security of sea lanes, global warming, strengthening of the United Nations, and improvement of military-to military ties.

The India-China ties also have an impact on peace, prosperity and stability in the region, and, to some extent, in the World too. The relations between these two nations, therefore, will always be under the gaze of the international community. Being two regional superpowers, the dispute between them impacts the regional geopolitics as well as of the world as a whole. Hence, any solution to this dispute has international ramifications too. This fact has been accepted by India’s current External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar too, who in September 2020 had said that it was imperative for both the countries to reach an “accommodation” not just for themselves, but for the world as well.

A positive relationship between India and China can change the future of the region and alter its geopolitics. It can usher in development and prosperity in Asia as well as the World. In today’s multi-polar world, there is very remote likelihood of another large-scale Indo-China conflict and, therefore, both these nations should work together for a fair and mutually acceptable solution to its border dispute and present a stable, conflict-free and prosperous future for the next generation.

(Published on 19 January 2022)

Another year has passed by and our World is still fighting a deadly pandemic. These are gloomy times but we humans are a hopeful species. We believe that we can overcome these struggles and we can all move together towards a better, developed and connected society.

A lot of positive developments were witnessed around the World in 2021. Around 8.5 billion COVID-19 Vaccinations were administered globally. The year saw more nations introduce legislation to tackle discrimination against the LGBTQ+ community. World leaders, philanthropists, and organizations pledged at least USD 40 billion to promote gender equality. Some endangered species stepped back from the brink of extinction in 2021. The increase in population of Tuna, Siberian tigers, European bison and the critically endangered Saiga antelope proved that conservation efforts can bear fruit and extinction is not inevitable. Use of clean and renewable energy saw a rise in 2021. For the first time, sales of electric cars surpassed sales of cars with diesel engines in Europe.

Here, in India, we too saw numerous inspiring stories that warmed our hearts and brought us together. From the teacher who built a treehouse for his students to overcome patchy internet connection during online classes to the news about the mother-son duo who fed home cooked food to the needy and underprivileged, we saw stories which affirmed our belief in humankind. 

There were lot of bad news too but a new year always brings about an anticipation of a better future. As we look forward to this New Year, there will be lots of new hopes and aspirations. We would, of course, want the COVID-19 pandemic to end. Apart from that, we would look forward for the revival of the economy, which has been hard hit by the pandemic. Unemployment levels have gone high and this is one area where we would want our Government to focus on more aggressively. Skilling India should also be a primary target so that we have a skilled population and significant percentage of our workforce is able to find self-employment avenues.

We would also hope that there is less focus on issues like religion and more on issues that really affects the life of the masses – issues like employment, price rise, access to education and healthcare, poverty, etc. We expect the Central Government to work in close cooperation with the states; after all, that is the idea behind the federal structure of our nation.

New Year is the time where we all cherish the past memories; think of our accomplishments of the past year; our moments of joy and sorrow; our struggles and fights. After all, a new year brings us hope and helps us get a better perspective in life.

Wishing You All a Very Happy New Year 2022.

(Published on 31 December 2021)

Skills and knowledge are the driving forces of economic growth and social development of a nation. In rapidly growing economies like India, with a vast and ever-increasing population, the problem is two-fold. On one hand, there is a severe paucity of highly trained quality workforce; while on the other hand, large sections of the population possess little or no job skills. As India moves progressively towards becoming a ‘knowledge economy’, it becomes increasingly important that the country focus on advancement of skills that are relevant to the emerging economic environment.

India’s accelerated economic growth has increased the demand for skilled manpower and it has highlighted the shortage of skilled manpower in the country. India is among the top countries in which employers are facing difficulty in filling up the jobs. Unwillingness among youth to take up skill training, shortage of hard and soft skills among the trained candidates and their resultant non-employability and the employers’ reluctance to pay reasonable and adequate salaries are some of the key reasons for employers not finding suitable candidates.

However, India has a big advantage. It is one of the youngest nations in the world with more than 50 per cent of the total population below 25 years of age. India’s workforce is the second largest in the world after China’s. While China’s demographic dividend is expected to start tapering off by 2015, India will continue to enjoy it till 2040. 

In order to leverage this demographic dividend of the country more substantially and meaningfully, the Government of India launched the “Skill India” campaign on the first ever World Youth Skills Day on 15 July 2015, with an aim to train over 40 crore (400 million) people across the country in different skills by 2022. On the same day, Prime Minister Narendra Modi launched the National Skill Development Mission, unveiled the new National Policy for Skill Development and Entrepreneurship 2015, and rolled out India’s flagship Skill Development scheme, the Pradhan Mantri Kaushal Vikash Yojana (PMKVY).  

In June 2016, another positive development took place in the skill development ecosystem in India. It was announced that the students graduating from ITIs in India will be considered Class XII pass, thus bringing a long-pending equivalence in the formal and vocational streams of education in the country. 

The Government of India has listed skill development as one of its priorities and aims to enhance participation of youth, seek greater inclusion of women, disabled and other disadvantaged sections into the workforce, and improve the capability of the present system, making it flexible to adapt to technological changes and demands emanating from the labour market. The government has created the Ministry of Skills Development and Entrepreneurship for taking forward the skill development initiatives. The policy framework governing the skill development ecosystem in India includes the Apprentices Act, 1961, the National Skill Policy and the National Skills Qualification Framework (NSQF).

The National Policy on Skill Development was first formulated in 2009 to create a skills ecosystem in India. The new National Policy on Skill Development and Entrepreneurship 2015 aims to provide an umbrella framework to all skill related activities carried out within the country, to align them to common standards and link skill activities with demand centres. In addition to laying down the objectives and expected outcomes, it aims at identifying various institutional frameworks which can act as the vehicle to reach the expected outcomes. The policy also provides details on how skill development efforts across the country can be aligned within the existing institutional arrangements.

However, even now, in India, less than 5 per cent of the workforce has undergone formal skills, as compared to 38 per cent in Mexico, 52 per cent in USA, 75 per cent in Germany and 96 per cent in South Korea. The magnitude of the challenge is further evident from the fact that about 12 million persons are expected to join the workforce every year. This emerging socio-economic scenario is poised to drive the demand for skilling India.

Also, India lags far behind in imparting skill training as compared to other countries. Only 10 per cent of the total workforce in the country receives skill training. Further, 80 per cent of the entrants into the workforce do not have the opportunity for skill training.

As such, there is a need to improve the skill development scenario in India. At the very outset, quality of training has to be ensured at each individual training centre level. For this the following aspects have to be considered and strengthened:

• Strong Governance and Administration

• Adequate and appropriate faculty

• Modern curriculum

• Relevant infrastructure

• A defined process for evaluation of student learning

• Rewarding partnerships

• Skill Mapping

• Location-specific skills

Awareness on need for skilling should be taken up in mission mode and activated at the village, block, district and state level. Different communication mechanisms may be adopted for each level.

In order to assess the work force potential and gaps in skill development, a state-wise and district-wise skill gap study needs to be initiated. This study would help the government to better streamline its skill development initiatives. It would also help discover the area-specific skills that need to be developed in the country.

Mobile Training Institutions in the form of mobile vans or buses may be used for training people in interior areas or for those who are unable to leave their homes for training. This will increase the level of skill training at village level and thereby encourage rural population, especially women, to take up training for specific skills and earn a living.

The training centres, which are imparting skill development training courses under government schemes like PMKVY and DDU-GKY, should be regularly inspected by the local district authorities. This will ensure that the quality of training is not compromised and the training centres have adequate facilities as well as trainers to impart the course.

Schools can be engaged effectively for counselling students at early stages about vocational education, apprenticeship and associated career paths. School staff and teachers may be sensitized about vocational training and apprenticeships as potential career paths for students.  Counselling sessions may be organized for parents where success stories may be highlighted to them.

These measures have the potential to improve the skill development scenario in the nation. This would also ensure that the percentage of skilled youths increase in the country and we have a skilled workforce who is ready to face the world and be a positive contributor to the nation’s economy.  

(Published on 25 December 2021)

In the history of human rights, the rights of the Children are the most ratified. The United Nation Convention on the Right of the Child (UNCRC), defines child rights as "the minimum entitlements and freedoms that should be afforded to every citizen bellow the age of 18, regardless of race, national origin, colour, gender, language, religion, opinions, origin, wealth, birth status, disability or other characteristics."

A child is defined as a person between 0 to 18 years of age. Zero (0) years of age means when a foetus finds place in mother's womb. The foetus have the right to survive; it means the foetus have the right to be born. According to laws of the Government of India, a child's life  is considered to begin after twenty weeks of conception.

There are four rights categories, which cover all civil, political, economical, social and cultural rights of every child. These are:

1) RIGHT TO SURVIVAL: A Child's Right to survival begins even before a child is born. Hence the right covers the child's right to be born, right to minimum standards of food, shelter, clothing and the right to live with dignity.

2) RIGHT  TO PROTECTION: A child has the right to be protected from neglect, exploitation and abuse at home and elsewhere.

3) RIGHT TO PARTICIPATION: Children have the right to participate in any decision that involves the child directly or indirectly. There are varying degrees of participation as per the age and maturity of the child.

4) RIGHT TO DEVELOPMENT: Children have the right to all forms of development, be it emotional, mental or physical development.

Government of India has been taking several measures to ensure that the rights of child are protected and upheld. This includes formation of bodies like the National Commission for Protection of Child Rights (NCPCR) or formulation of schemes like the Integrated Child Protection scheme (ICPS).

ICPS is implemented around the nation to help and secure the safety of children in need of care and protection, juvenile in conflict with law and other vulnerable children. It is aimed at building a protective environment for children in difficult circumstances, as well as other vulnerable children, through Government and civil society partnership. 

NCPCR, a Statutory Body established in 2007, functions under the Ministry of Women and Child Development, and is mandated with responsibilities under Acts like the Protection of Children from Sexual Offences (POCSO) Act, 2012, and Right to Education Act, 2009, by the Government. NCPCR has also been specifically charged with the task of monitoring of Child Care Institutions (CCI), whether government or non-government. 

Some other important child welfare programmes, which have been launched by the Central and State Governments to protect the child right include:

• Reproductive and Child Health Programme

• Pulse Polio Immunization Programme

• Mid Day Meal Scheme

• Creche Scheme for the Children of Working Mothers

• Integrated Programme for Street Children

There are also several acts which have been enacted to protect the rights of the Child. These include:

• Children Act, 1960 

• Child Labour (Prohibition And Regulation) Act, 1986 

• Protection of Child Marriage Act, 2006   

• Juvenile Justice Act, 2000

• Protection of Children from Sexual Offences Act, 2012

These acts have also been amended from time-to-time to further strengthen the rights of the child.

As is evident from the above, there are several Schemes, Programmes, and Acts to protect the rights of the Child. But the most important thing is that how much we are aware about these rights and how can we contribute towards protecting these rights of the children. As a responsible citizen, it is our duty as well as responsibility to protect as well as ensure that these rights are available to all children. Also, it is necessary to treat every child equally because every child need our emotional, social and physical protection.

Any responsible citizen can protect the child from any kind of abuse, such as trafficking, child labour, sexual abuse, child marriage, etc. If anyone is witness to anything that can be harmful for a child, they can dial 1098 HELPLINE number for Child. It is a 24 x 7 helpline number for helping a child in distress. 

It has been seen that several domestic child labour cases have come from families where the household members are well educated. Similarly, several sexual, physical and emotional abuse cases have come from families with good educational as well as societal background. This shows that people are still unaware about the rights of the child and even many educated people have been guilty of denying children access to these rights. This is an area which needs to improve. After all, today's Child is the future of our country and his/her rights should be protected at all costs. 

(Published on 25 December 2021)